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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Congress ditched us first: Sunil Tatkare

Mumbai: In a significant escalation of the ongoing friction within Maharashtra’s political landscape, Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) state unit chief Sunil Tatkare has squarely blamed the Congress party for the disintegration of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance. In a candid interview with a Marathi television news channel, Tatkare asserted that the Congress was the first to "ditch" its partners, a move he claims fundamentally broke the trust required to sustain the coalition and...

Congress ditched us first: Sunil Tatkare

Mumbai: In a significant escalation of the ongoing friction within Maharashtra’s political landscape, Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) state unit chief Sunil Tatkare has squarely blamed the Congress party for the disintegration of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliance. In a candid interview with a Marathi television news channel, Tatkare asserted that the Congress was the first to "ditch" its partners, a move he claims fundamentally broke the trust required to sustain the coalition and forced the NCP to reconsider its political future. Tatkare’s revelations come at a fragile moment for the NCP, which is still reeling from the sudden accidental death of Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar in late January 2026. The tragedy has sparked intense speculation about a potential "Ghar Wapsi" or reunion between the rival NCP factions. However, Tatkare has emerged as a lightning rod for criticism from the Sharad Pawar-led NCP (NCP-SP), with leaders like Shashikant Shinde and Rohit Pawar accusing him of being a "blockade" acting at the behest of the BJP to prevent the party from coming back together. Addressing these allegations, Tatkare defended the party’s decision to remain aligned with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) under the Mahayuti banner. “The BJP and the top leadership of NDA have given us a trust and the clarity that they would take us along ahead. We have even worked as part of the UPA earlier. I was the state president of the party even back then. We have closely experienced – and even suffered - the ill treatment mated to the allies there. We have also observed the BJP’s conduct since 2014,” Tatkare said while explain what went behind his party’s decision to go along with the BJP. While elaborating on the specific incidents that led to the beginning of the end, Tatkare gave a specific anecdote from the seat sharing talks with the Congress. “I was the state party chief and we were in seat sharing talks with Prithviraj Chavan representing the Congress. We wanted some seats exchanged. We were asked to furnish the list. Despite my suspicion and hence opposition, we shared the list. My nightmares came true. The Congress declared their candidates on all the seats. That was the first fissure within the MVA,” Tatkare said. He noted that unlike their experience with the Congress, the BJP has consistently followed "alliance conduct" and treated its partners with cordiality. He dismissed the reunification rumours as baseless, emphasising that the party is committed to carrying forward the ideology and political stand established by the late Ajit Pawar.

The Hidden Cost of Cheap Food

India’s food security rests not just on grain and groundwater, but on the steadily eroding bodies of the farmers who produce it.

India’s debate on food security is oddly bloodless. Policymakers pore over spreadsheets tracking seed varieties, fertiliser subsidies and grain reserves, while television panels argue over procurement targets and buffer stocks. Yet amid this obsession with inputs and outputs, one variable is conspicuously absent: the physical health of the human being who grows the food. If India hopes to remain food-secure in an era of climate stress and rural exhaustion, it must look beyond silos and storage depots and confront a far more uncomfortable truth. The country’s agricultural system is sustained by systematically depleting the bodies of its farmers.


Replenishable Input

Conventional economics treats farm labour as a generic, endlessly replenishable input. The farmer appears in textbooks as a stick figure, interchangeable and tireless. Reality, especially in India’s most demanding agricultural regions, is harsher. From the cotton belts of Vidarbha to the sugarcane fields of western Maharashtra, farming is not merely low-paid work; it is physically punishing labour that grinds down joints, muscles and metabolisms over decades. The human engine at the heart of Indian agriculture is fraying.


This is the insight behind what may be called the ‘farmers’ health capital’ approach. The idea is simple but radical: a farmer’s body is not an infinite resource but a depreciating asset. Agricultural output is usually modelled as a function of land, seeds, fertiliser, water and labour. Yet labour, in practice, is inseparable from health. An exhausted, injured or undernourished farmer cannot deliver the same output as a healthy one, regardless of how good the inputs are. When health deteriorates, productivity falls even if yields on paper appear stable.


Seen this way, India’s success in delivering cheap food to its cities looks less impressive. Low prices are being achieved not through miraculous efficiency, but by quietly transferring costs onto rural bodies. Farmers work longer hours, take fewer breaks, neglect injuries and postpone treatment. The result is a form of ‘silent distress’ where declining physical capacity masked by steady aggregate production. It is also a powerful explanation for rural flight. Young people are not just escaping low incomes; they are escaping physical bankruptcy.


Human Depreciation

Nowhere is this more evident than in the way India calculates the Minimum Support Price (MSP). The official formula counts cash expenses and the imputed cost of family labour, but it ignores what might be called human depreciation - the long-term physical wear and tear caused by farming itself. For labour-intensive crops such as sugarcane and cotton, the omission is enormous. If the economic value of declining health were honestly accounted for, MSPs would need to be markedly higher, incorporating a ‘health premium’ to compensate for bodily depletion.


Without such recognition, farming becomes a peculiar kind of profession: one in which workers are expected to subsidise society not just with low wages, but with shortened working lives. This is unsustainable. No economy aspiring to middle-income or great-power status can treat the physical deterioration of its food producers as an externality.


There are, however, alternatives. Experiments with diversified agroforestry models in parts of Maharashtra suggest a more humane path. By moving away from monoculture towards mixed systems that combine crops, trees and livestock, farmers can spread physical effort more evenly across the year. Such systems reduce the back-breaking peaks of labour associated with single-crop farming, improve household nutrition and create income buffers that lessen the need for desperate overwork. Agroforestry, in this sense, is not merely an environmental fix but a public-health intervention.


What follows is a new way of thinking about food security. First, health costs must be explicitly incorporated into agricultural pricing. If the state insists on cheap food, it should at least acknowledge and compensate the physical price paid by producers. Second, rural health infrastructure needs a rethink. Farming injuries should be treated with the same seriousness as industrial accidents, not dismissed as occupational inevitabilities. Third, policymakers must recognise that national food security is a fiction if the people producing the food are physically broken.


India’s ambition of becoming a $5 trillion economy sits uneasily with an agricultural system that treats the farmer’s body as free and inexhaustible. Grain stocks may be full and procurement targets met, but the balance sheet is incomplete. Until health is priced honestly, food security will remain built on exhaustion. To secure its food, India must first secure its farmers.


(The writer is a member of Maharashtra Agriculture Price Commission. Views personal.)


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