top of page

By:

Minal Sancheti

2 May 2026 at 12:26:53 pm

Lost in Transport

Mumbai’s grand transport infrastructure is undermined by potholes, Poor discipline and a last-mile gaps that keeps it crawling Mumbai: It is morning time, and Pawan Khandelwal is all set to leave for work. A creative lead at an ad agency in Malad, Mumbai, Khandelwal should take 12 to 15 minutes to reach the office, but that rarely happens because of the traffic, poor road quality and lack of civic sense among co-drivers on the road. He mostly ends up reaching the office in 30 to 40 minutes....

Lost in Transport

Mumbai’s grand transport infrastructure is undermined by potholes, Poor discipline and a last-mile gaps that keeps it crawling Mumbai: It is morning time, and Pawan Khandelwal is all set to leave for work. A creative lead at an ad agency in Malad, Mumbai, Khandelwal should take 12 to 15 minutes to reach the office, but that rarely happens because of the traffic, poor road quality and lack of civic sense among co-drivers on the road. He mostly ends up reaching the office in 30 to 40 minutes. Khandelwal firmly believes that road construction is not a major issue for traffic. “The road under construction is not a big issue because they usually don’t take very long to repair the roads. But even after their work is done, it is not done perfectly. At times when they are digging up the road for other purposes, they often leave a bump or a pothole,” he said. He gives an example, “One can see it on the western express highway. There are so many bumps. We call it a highway, but we can’t even drive at 15 km/h because it is not fixed properly.” He also blames people for not following traffic rules, which adds to the problem. Traffic Woes Although there are coastal roads and metros available, the traffic still seems to be a problem for many residents. A media professional and a daily commuter, Charlene Flanagan has been travelling in Mumbai for many years now. There is not much difference in her experience of the traffic congestion. From her experience, she believes the coastal roads and metros have not completely accomplished the mission of curbing traffic congestion. She says, “As a resident of Mumbai and as a person with a valid driver’s licence, I would say the traf f ic hasn’t really changed. It is still as congested, and whether the coastal roads have helped depends on the time of the day you leave and whether you are going against the traffic or along with the traffic.” The pedestrians also face problems. Saloni Mehta, a theatre artiste, says, “I prefer walking to my destinations. For example, I live in Versova, and if I want to see a play in the Prithvi Theatre, I will take a half-hour walk. However, this one time, I could not reach the venue, not just because of the traffic but also because there were no pavements left to walk on. The roads are dug up, and every road is just half a road.” Mumbai’s average speed covered is 5.2 km per 15 minutes. During the peak traffic hours in the morning, when most people travel to their workplace, the average speed is 18.5 km/h. It is important to understand the issue and address it with a solution. Sudhir Badami, an author of the book ‘Matter of Equitability - Making Commuting in Mumbai Enviable’, explains why people still prefer to use cars over metros, “The metro line 3 has definitely taken away some car users. But it has not taken away sufficient numbers of car users to make a difference in the state of road congestion. The reason behind this is essentially the last-mile connectivity in areas where the Aqua Line or Line 7 operates, especially in suburban areas. In the city area, it is supported by good BEST services on the one hand, and taxis being available near the metro stations on the other hand. But most car users still opt for using their cars, as public transport currently does provide assured exclusivity, comfort and good frequency, not forgetting last mile connectivity. The Coastal Road sees very few cars compared to the number of cars on Mumbai’s Roads. Badami, as a transportation analyst, says, “Mumbai has approximately 16 Lakhs motor cars, out of which only about 55,000 seem to be using coastal roads. It is such a minuscule proportion for whom so much has been spent. This is largely because in the city, people don’t go from one end of the city to the other end. They normally start from in between and go somewhere in between. If there is not much time saving for the shorter stretches, then people are not likely to take it, and there will be continued congestion on city roads.” “In general, the necessity of the last-mile connectivity is an important part, but the greater part will be how to get car users onto the public transport,” says Badami. Public transport must provide near exclusivity, comfort and safety to a car-using commuter for migration to take place. This is where the importance of last-mile connectivity is felt. Air Pollution The slow-moving traffic also adds to the air pollution in the city several times more than when they are moving at optimum speeds, he says. Joint Commissioner of Police (Traffic), Mumbai, Anil Kumbhare, denies that there is much traffic congestion in Mumbai as compared to five years back. He credits the coastal roads for curbing the traffic. He says, “Earlier, there used to be bumper-to bumper traffic near Haji Ali. That has come down drastically. As coastal roads shape, the traffic will go down.” He also adds that there is traffic congestion in the morning hours as people are travelling for work. But there is no traffic jam. Although coastal roads have helped, there are still pockets of the city that face traffic congestion every day. This can be solved with careful planning and execution.

The ICC Roars, but Can It Bite?

Updated: Nov 29, 2024

Benjamin Netanyahu

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu


Last week, the International Criminal Court (ICC) issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, his former defence minister Yoav Gallant and Hamas leader, Ibrahim Al-Masri. At first glance, the charges - alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity during the Gaza conflict - might appear as a bold attempt to enforce justice. But scratch beneath the surface, and the ICC’s action highlights its glaring limitations, internal contradictions and the enduring scepticism surrounding its authority.


For a court designed as the world’s last resort for prosecuting the gravest atrocities, the ICC remains remarkably ineffectual. It has no police force, relying on its 124 member states to arrest suspects - a tall order when those accused are heads of state or key players in geopolitically sensitive conflicts. Netanyahu, whose government has consistently rejected the court’s jurisdiction, labelled the ICC a “biased and discriminatory political body.” The Hamas leadership dismissed the charges as well.


The ICC’s predicament is emblematic of a broader historical pattern: international institutions that promise justice and order but lack the teeth to enforce it. The League of Nations, the ICC’s conceptual ancestor, was established to prevent conflicts like the First World War from recurring. Yet its impotence became evident when Japan invaded Manchuria in 1931 and Germany annexed Austria in 1938. Lacking enforcement mechanisms and the support of key powers like the United States, the League’s lofty ideals crumbled under the weight of realpolitik, paving the way for the Second World War. The ICC, while more modern in structure, risks a similar fate of marginalization in a world where power often trumps principle.


Its current challenges are reminiscent of other fraught attempts at international justice. The ad hoc tribunals established for the Balkan Wars of the 1990s offer a cautionary tale. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) eventually secured convictions for war crimes, including those against Serbian leaders like Slobodan Milošević. But the process was painfully slow, fraught with political interference, and dependent on Western military and diplomatic backing. Even then, many accused evaded justice for years, and the tribunal’s legacy remains contested in the Balkans.


More troubling is the ICC’s prosecutor, Karim Khan, whose own credibility is under scrutiny. Khan, who sought the arrest warrants, faces allegations of sexual misconduct that external investigators are currently examining. His ethical cloud undermines the ICC’s moral high ground, raising questions about whether the court can hold others accountable while its chief prosecutor battles serious allegations.


The United States, Israel’s staunch ally, swiftly condemned the ICC’s decision. President Joe Biden deemed the move “outrageous,” while a White House spokesperson criticized “troubling process errors” in the court’s handling of the case. Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, said to be close to President-elect Donald Trump, dismissed the ICC as a “dangerous joke,” calling for sanctions against what he termed “irresponsible” actions by the tribunal.


The ICC’s global standing further complicates matters. Major powers, including the United States, Russia, China, and India are not signatories to the Rome Statute, effectively shielding themselves and their allies from ICC jurisdiction. This leaves the court reliant on smaller states for legitimacy, often focusing its prosecutorial energies on Africa and less geopolitically contentious regions. The decision to issue warrants against both Israeli and Hamas leaders might appear even-handed, but it cannot obscure the fact that geopolitical reality often trumps justice.


Israel’s rejection of the ICC’s jurisdiction stems from a technicality. While the ICC claims territorial jurisdiction over Palestine, Israel does not recognize Palestine as a state, creating a legal grey area. Yet Pre-Trial Chamber I dismissed Israel’s challenge, asserting its authority to investigate alleged crimes committed on Palestinian territory. This legal back-and-forth has done little to resolve the fundamental issue: without Israel’s cooperation or that of its allies, the ICC’s warrants are toothless.


Recall that in 2009 and 2010, the ICC issued arrest warrants against Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity in Darfur. Despite these warrants, al-Bashir travelled freely to several ICC member states, including South Africa and Chad, without facing arrest. It finally took a domestic uprising in Sudan to oust him in 2019, highlighting the ICC’s inability to enforce its mandates. In 2005, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Joseph Kony, leader of the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda, and several of his commanders for war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, nearly two decades later, Kony remains at large, evading capture despite international awareness of his atrocities – an instance which glaringly underscores the ICC’s enforcement limitations.


Symbolically, the ICC’s warrants draw attention to the devastating human toll of the Gaza conflict. Yet symbolism without enforcement risks irrelevance.


The ICC’s creation in 2002 was heralded as a milestone for global justice. Yet two decades later, it remains a beleaguered institution, hamstrung by political realities and internal failings. The decision to issue warrants against both Israeli and Hamas leaders might appear even-handed, but it cannot obscure the fact that geopolitical reality often trumps justice.

Comments

bottom of page