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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several...

‘Bharat Ratna to Savarkar will increase its prestige’

Mumbai: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Sarsanghachalak Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday threw his full weight behind the long-standing demand to confer the Bharat Ratna on Swatantryaveer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, asserting that the Hindutva ideologue’s inclusion would enhance the dignity of the country’s highest civilian honour. Bhagwat, who explained the genesis and growth of the RSS over past 100 years in two lectures at the Nehru Centre here on Saturday and Sunday, replied to several questions. While replying to one of the questions, he remarked, “If Swatantraveer Savarkar is given the Bharat Ratna, the prestige of the Bharat Ratna itself will increase.” He was asked, why there has been a delay in conferring the Bharat Ratna on Savarkar, in reply to which, Bhagwat said, “I am not part of that committee. But if I meet someone, I will ask. Even without that honour, he rules the hearts of millions of people.” he added. Social Divisions Bhagwat replied to questions that were clubbed in 14 different groups ranging from national security to environment, social harmony, youth, arts and sports. Whenever the questions suggested or expressed expectations that the RSS should do certain things, Bhagwat stressed on the involvement of the society and initiative from the society in resolving the problems. While addressing the critical issue of Uniform Civil Code, Bhagwat stated that the UCC should be framed by taking everyone into confidence and must not lead to social divisions. In the same way while replying to the question related to illegal migrants in the country, Bhagwat urged people to “detect and report” the “illegal infiltrators” to the police. He also urged people not to give them any employment and to be more “vigilant.” Backing SIR He highlighted that the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) exercise has already revealed the “foreigners” living in the country. “The government has a lot to do regarding infiltration. They have to detect and deport. This wasn’t happening until now, but it has started little by little, and it will gradually increase. When the census or the SIR is conducted, many people come to light who are not citizens of this country; they are automatically excluded from the process,” he said. “But we can do one thing: we can work on detection. Their language gives them away. We should detect them and report them to the appropriate authorities. We should inform the police that we suspect these people are foreigners, and they should investigate and keep an eye on them, and we will also keep an eye on them. We will not give employment to any foreigner. If someone is from our country, we will give them employment, but not to foreigners. You should be a little more vigilant and aware,” he added. SC Chief Emphasising the inclusivity of the Sangh, he said that anyone can become ‘Sarsanghchalak’ (RSS chief), including the SC and STs, as the decision is solely dependent on the work that any individual put for the organisation. “Kshatriya, Vaishya, Shudra or Brahmin does not qualify for the Sarsanghchalak position (RSS Chief), a Hindu will become the one who works and is best available. A Hindu will become, and that can also be an SC or ST. Anyone can become it depends on the work. Today, if you see, all classes have representation in the Sangh. The decision is taken on the basis of one who works and is best available,” he said. He pointed out that when the RSS was founded, its work began in a Brahmin-dominated community and hence, most of its founders were Brahmins, which led to the organisation being labelled as a Brahmin outfit at the time. People always look for an organisation that has representatives from their community, he said. “If I were to choose a chief, I would go by the ‘best available candidate’ criterion. When I was appointed RSS chief, there were many best candidates, but they were not available. I was the one who could be relieved from duties and appointed,” he said. He said that to belong to the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities is not a disqualification, and neither is being a Brahmin a qualification to become the RSS chief. Ready to step down if Sangh asks for Dr. Mohan Bhagwat on Sunday said the Sangh had asked him to continue working despite his age, while stressing that he would step down from the post whenever the organisation directs him to do so. “There is no election to the post of RSS chief. Regional and divisional heads appoint the chief. Generally, it is said that after turning 75, one should work without holding any post,” Bhagwat said. “I have completed 75 years and informed the RSS, but the organisation asked me to continue working. Whenever the RSS asks me to step down, I will do so, but retirement from work will never happen,” he said.

The lessons driving Pakistan’s new Naval Doctrine

Once a coast guard-like force, Pakistan’s Navy and Air Force now plan to challenge India’s dominance to prevent any repeat of 1971.

The brutal massacre of more than 25 persons, mostly tourists, at Pahalgam has once again raised the spectre of conflict between India and Pakistan. In this tense scenario, it bears remembering that Pakistan’s military machine, especially its Navy and Air Force, has been undergoing a quiet but determined modernisation. Islamabad is building capabilities that could matter greatly should war clouds thicken over South Asia.


When the Indian Navy choked the ports of East and West Pakistan in 1971, the damage was not just military. It was existential. Deprived of its maritime arteries, Pakistan's economy wilted, and the secession of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) swiftly followed. In the aftermath, Islamabad made a solemn vow: never again. Since then, Pakistan has been steadily, if quietly, reshaping its naval and air capabilities to ensure that history does not repeat itself.


The Pakistan Navy, once little more than a coast guard, now presents a far more formidable challenge. With around 100 ships sourced from Turkey, America, China and local shipyards, it has built a diversified fleet, blending imported designs with indigenous innovation. Frigates like the American Oliver Hazard Perry-class, the Turkish-designed Babur class and the Pakistani-built Zulfiquar class (a Chinese-assisted effort) patrol its coasts and beyond. Minehunters based on French designs expand its operational scope, allowing Pakistan to prepare not only for battle at sea but for the protection of its vulnerable harbours from missile attacks and amphibious threats.


Submarines, however, have become the centrepiece of Pakistan’s maritime doctrine. Scarred by the 1971 blockade, naval planners adopted a philosophy of asymmetric undersea warfare. The Submarine Command, established in 1964, is now the Navy’s crown jewel. Pakistan’s Agosta 90B-class submarines, refurbished with Turkish help, lurk unseen in the depths, armed with Exocet missiles and Babur-III nuclear-capable cruise missiles. With eight submarines currently in service and a growing fleet of midget “X-Craft” submarines for stealth operations, Pakistan is investing in depth, literally and figuratively.


The ambitions do not stop there. In a clear signal to New Delhi, Pakistan has partnered with China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy to build Hangor-class submarines based on the Yuan-class model, featuring advanced Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP) systems. A technology transfer agreement signed in 2015 ensures that much of the building will happen at home, strengthening Pakistan’s own shipbuilding industry. More ominously, Islamabad has greenlit the development of its first nuclear-powered submarine as its answer to India’s INS Arihant, which is scheduled for delivery by 2028. Should this project succeed, it will mark Pakistan’s entry into the elite club of nations capable of second-strike nuclear deterrence from the sea.


Yet Pakistan’s efforts to achieve strategic parity with India are not confined to the oceans. In the skies, too, Islamabad has been working methodically. The Pakistan Air Force (PAF), boasting over 70,000 personnel and the largest fleet among Muslim-majority countries, has grown from a modest auxiliary force into a battle-hardened arm. It carries lessons from repeated conflicts with India, as well as experiences from counterinsurgency operations in the tribal areas and beyond.


The PAF’s fleet is a patchwork quilt, stitched from American, Chinese and indigenous fabrics. Its F-16 Fighting Falcons, around 75 strong, remain its most prized assets, offering air superiority and ground-attack capability. The Chinese-made JF-17 Thunder, jointly developed with Pakistan Aeronautical Complex, has proven a cost-effective multirole fighter, now numbering nearly 150. Older platforms like the Mirage III and Mirage V, well past their prime, continue to soldier on, albeit modernised to remain operationally relevant.


Notably, the PAF has heavily invested in aerial surveillance and electronic warfare. Its fleet of Saab 2000 aircraft, fitted with Erieye radar, provides early-warning and control capability vital in a high-threat environment. A brutal Taliban attack in 2012 on PAF Base Minhas damaged some of these assets, but they were quickly repaired and supplemented by new purchases. Additionally, China’s Shaanxi Y-8-based ZDK-03 AEW&C aircraft and a clutch of Dassault Falcon 20 jets modified for electronic warfare allow the PAF to monitor, disrupt, and strike with greater precision.


Even special forces have not been neglected. The PAF’s Special Forces Wing, relatively unknown outside Pakistan, adds another layer of operational depth and are trained to conduct rescue missions, sabotage and reconnaissance deep behind enemy lines.


Pakistan’s military evolution, however, should not be overstated. Despite the modernisation drive, it still faces serious challenges. Maintaining an ageing and varied fleet strains budgets and supply chains. Indigenous manufacturing, while improving, lags behind India’s growing domestic defence industry. And China’s patronage, while generous, comes with dependencies that may limit Pakistan’s strategic autonomy.


Nevertheless, Pakistan’s transformation from a reactive force to a proactive deterrent power is unmistakable. No longer content to play second fiddle in the Indian Ocean or cede dominance of South Asian skies, Islamabad is betting on stealth, speed, and strategy to level the playing field. Whether this gamble pays off will depend not just on technology, but also on deft statecraft in an increasingly unstable region.


The ghost of 1971 haunts Pakistan still. But if its generals have their way, the next time maritime and aerial battles are fought, they intend to write a very different ending.


(The author is a former naval aviation officer and geopolitical analyst. Views personal)

1 Comment


Vilas Pandit
Vilas Pandit
May 02, 2025

The article gives us details of evolution of Pak navy and Air force after 1971.It has transformed from reactive to proactive is significant devrlopement.Article doesn't discuss comparision of capabilities of Pak forces with the same of India.

If we predict that Pak will continue to modernise and add strength to their forces in future to catch up India's military might,then is not a appropriate time to exhaust their military assets to the the extent that recovery may take at least a decade. In case of war,how fast we can return to consolidation of assts?

Is it the best time to reduce Pak's strenghth so that we may get breather for speedy advance as compared to Pak.

Article is very informative…

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