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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger...

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger geopolitical churn in which alliances, energy, trade, currencies and economic coercion are becoming interconnected. India finds itself almost at its centre. The emerging Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan security equation deserves particular attention. Saudi Arabia brings enormous financial and energy influence; Türkiye possesses considerable military strength, NATO experience and an expanding defence industry; Pakistan brings a large military establishment and nuclear capability with the open support of Washington. Any arrangement containing a collective-defence commitment naturally acquires significance beyond ordinary diplomatic cooperation. Alongside it, another strategic convergence has gradually developed among India, Israel and the UAE. It would be incorrect to describe this as a formal military alliance. Yet geopolitics does not operate through defence treaties alone. India's extensive defence and technology relationship with Israel, its rapidly expanding economic and strategic partnership with the UAE, and the UAE-Israel relationship following the Abraham Accords have created considerable common ground. I2U2—bringing together India, Israel, the UAE and the United States—added another institutional dimension. Thus, without necessarily becoming opposing military camps, two interesting strategic formations are visible across West Asia: Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan and the looser India–UAE–Israel convergence. Balancing Challenge India faces a similar balancing challenge. The Gulf is not a distant geopolitical theatre for New Delhi. Nearly nine million Indians live and work there. India's energy security, investments, trade and remittance flows are closely connected with the region. The proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor also requires relative stability across this geography. Polarisation in West Asia can therefore rapidly become an Indian economic and strategic problem. There is another question Indian planners cannot ignore. If a future India-Pakistan confrontation escalates, how would any collective-defence commitment involving Pakistan be interpreted by Saudi Arabia and Türkiye? It would be alarmist to assume that either country would automatically enter a conflict against India. Saudi Arabia, in particular, has substantial economic and strategic interests in maintaining good relations with New Delhi. Nevertheless, defence planners are paid to examine possibilities before they become crises. While these equations develop in India's neighbourhood, economic pressure is emerging from Washington. The US Senate has voted 86–11 for legislation intended to increase pressure on Russia by targeting major purchasers of Russian energy. The measure could authorise tariffs reaching 100 per cent against goods from countries continuing large-scale purchases of Russian oil and gas, with India among those potentially exposed. China is powerful enough to shrug off similar challenges from the West." However this does not mean that America has already imposed a 100 per cent tariff on India. Further legislative steps remain necessary, and presidential waiver provisions are important. But the overwhelming Senate vote carries a political message that New Delhi cannot dismiss. Tariffs are no longer merely tools of trade protection; they have become instruments of geopolitical coercion. Washington's argument is understandable: revenues from Russian petroleum help sustain Moscow's economy during the Ukraine war, and reducing those revenues increases pressure on Russia. But in that case what about European countries who too were/are customers of Russian oil? India's question is equally legitimate: who should determine where India purchases the energy required by more than 1.4 billion people? If Russian crude remains commercially advantageous and helps contain domestic energy costs, New Delhi cannot reasonably be expected to make every energy decision according to another country's geopolitical priorities. Strategic partnership cannot become strategic obedience. This is where BRICS enters the larger picture. India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and will host its leaders at an unusually sensitive moment. BRICS is no longer merely the original grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Its expansion has considerably increased its demographic, energy and geopolitical weight. More importantly, discussions around BRICS increasingly touch a sensitive nerve in Washington: alternative payment mechanisms, local-currency trade, development finance and the possibility of gradually reducing dependence upon the dollar-dominated international financial system. The BRICS Summit this time is poised to take some decisive steps which may affect western interests especially US. (The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

The Lost Art of Critical Thinking

In an age of instant outrage and echo chambers, the rapid erosion of independent thought is being driven by systems that reward conformity and emotional ease.

Imagine a world where few ask “why?” anymore. What happens to a society when the ability to reason, challenge, and reflect is replaced by quick reactions, shallow opinions, and echo chambers of agreement? The world has become so loud, so fast, and so saturated with information that the human mind, once a powerful tool for inquiry and growth, has dulled into passive acceptance.


This is not some distant possibility. It is already happening. Many philosophers and social scientists have warned of this trend, sometimes calling it collective shallowness. It does not necessarily mean that people are unintelligent. Rather, individuals increasingly accept ready-made ideas and give up their independence of thought without realizing it. When that occurs, societies become easier to control, divide and mislead.


Rote Learning

Part of the problem lies in systems designed more for efficiency than enlightenment. Schools and universities often reward memorisation over exploration. In India, for instance, students preparing for board exams such as Class 10 and Class 12 focus on practising most probable questions. They are evaluated mainly on standardised answers, which teachers find convenient to correct. Many take the path of least effort. Those who ask unusual questions or try different approaches are not encouraged; they may even score fewer marks. Yet many of them shine later in life, when original thought and problem-solving matter more than exam results.


Teachers themselves often prefer the safe and predictable. Researchers chase popular trends or easy numbers instead of grappling with difficult questions. Politicians resort to slogans rather than evidence. Decision-makers frequently adopt popular policies without carefully examining long-term consequences. In every case, the path of least resistance prevails over the harder work of reasoning.


Information Overload

The digital age promised a flood of knowledge but delivered instead a tsunami of noise. Neuroscientist Daniel Levitin notes that the average person today handles many times more information each day than just a few decades ago. Our brains, however, are not built to cope with this flood. Overwhelmed, we often rely on mental shortcuts. Instead of weighing evidence, we glance at what others believe. This instinct, known as ‘social proof,’ is natural but makes us vulnerable to shallow thinking.


Another worrying trend is the decline of deep reading. Research by scholar Maryanne Wolf suggests that digital media is reshaping the reading brain: people skim more, jump between screens and struggle to focus on long texts. Yet such focus is essential for real analysis. Without it, understanding remains superficial. Carl Sagan warned that we live in a society deeply dependent on science and technology, yet very few people understand these subjects. His concern was not ignorance alone. It was the loss of the ability to think critically about the systems upon which we rely.


Uncomfortable Truths

Critical thinking also requires confronting uncomfortable truths. It asks us to admit we might be wrong. To change our minds in the light of new evidence. To challenge our identities and cherished beliefs. The psychologist Erich Fromm argued that many people prefer to give up their independence of thought because freedom brings responsibility, and responsibility is difficult to handle.


Social media fuels the fire further. These platforms often reward outrage more than nuance, and they thrive on division rather than understanding. As Marshall McLuhan famously said, “The medium is the message.” The way we consume information pressures us toward speed instead of depth, certainty instead of humility and popularity instead of truth


How, then, do we reclaim critical thinking? The answer lies not in intelligence but in courage and practice. Courage to admit we may be wrong. Courage to listen before speaking. Courage to say “I don’t know” and search for a better answer. Socrates’ ancient wisdom remains apt: “The only true wisdom is in knowing that you know nothing.” That humility is the starting point.


Rebuilding a culture of inquiry must occur at all levels. Students can be encouraged to ask at least one deeper question in every class. Teachers can grade for reasoning steps, not only for correct answers. Researchers can preregister studies to focus on substance rather than fashionable results. Politicians often prefer slogans to evidence, and decision-makers may feel compelled to adopt popular policies quickly. Instead, they could require evidence briefs laying out pros, cons, and uncertainties before acting.


On the personal level, small habits matter. Read one long article or book chapter without glancing at your phone. Seek out at least one opposing view each week - not to argue against it, but to understand it. Before sharing a post or claim, trace it to its source and read at least the summary. Prefer primary sources over summaries wherever possible.


Psychologists call this metacognition: thinking about our thinking. Another powerful habit is dialectical reasoning - the ability to hold two opposing ideas in mind long enough to learn from both.


Today, critical thinking is not merely an academic skill but a moral choice. It is the choice of truth over comfort and that choice can be painful. Yet clarity is always preferable to ignorance, because reality, however demanding, is the only ground upon which freedom stands.


The disappearance of critical thinking is not inevitable. For the future will not be shaped by louder voices or sharper slogans, but by minds willing to sit with complexity and value understanding over easy victory.


While critical thinking is fading, it can be restored through awareness and reflection. It begins with one simple act: thinking for yourself with humility and courage. And if each of us pauses once a day to ask a better question, this culture of thinking will gradually return.


(The author is the former Director, Agharkar Research Institute, Pune and Visiting Professor, IIT Bombay. Views are personal.)

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