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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after...

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after two-and-a-half years has hardened into a public confrontation between a chief minister determined to finish five years and a deputy increasingly unwilling to wait. The recent breakfast meeting between the two men at Siddaramaiah’s residence was presented as a truce where the ‘high command’ was invoked as the final arbiter. “There are no differences between us,” Siddaramaiah insisted, twice for emphasis. Few were convinced and soon, Shivakumar was again hinting darkly at change. For weeks, Shivakumar’s loyalists have been holding meetings, mobilising legislators and making pilgrimages to Delhi to get the Congress high command to honour its promise. They insist that the Congress leadership agreed to a rotational chief ministership in 2023 and that November 2025 was always meant to mark Shivakumar’s ascent. The high command, for its part, has perfected the art of strategic vagueness by neither confirming nor denying the pact. This suggests that the Congress does not merely hesitate to act against Siddaramaiah, but increasingly lacks the capacity to do so. From the outset of his second innings, Siddaramaiah has given no signal of easing aside. As he approaches January 2026, poised to overtake D. Devaraj Urs as Karnataka’s longest-serving chief minister, the symbolism is unmistakable. The mantle of social justice politics that Urs once embodied now firmly sits on Siddaramaiah’s shoulders. And it is this social coalition that shields him. His fortress is AHINDA - minorities, backward classes and Dalits. Leaked figures from the unreleased caste census suggest that these groups together approach or exceed two-thirds of the state’s population. Lingayats and Vokkaligas, once electorally dominant, are rendered numerical minorities in this arithmetic. Siddaramaiah governs not merely as a Congress leader, but as the putative custodian of Karnataka’s demographic majority. That claim is reinforced through policy. Minority scholarships have been revived, contractor quotas restored, residential schools expanded. More than Rs. 42,000 crore has been earmarked for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Kurubas, his own community, have been pitched for Scheduled Tribe status, with careful assurances that their elevation will not disadvantage others. DK Shivakumar brings organisational muscle, financial clout and control over the Vokkaliga heartland. In electoral campaigns, these are formidable assets. But in a confrontation with a leader who embodies a 60–70 percent social coalition, they are blunt instruments. The Congress high command understands this equation, even if it publicly pretends otherwise. It also remembers, uneasily, what Siddaramaiah did the last time his authority was constrained. In 2020, when the Congress–JD(S) coalition collapsed after 16 MLAs defected to Mumbai,13 of them hailed from Siddaramaiah’s camp. At the time, he held the post of coordination committee chairman. Instead, he emerged as the principal beneficiary of collapse, returning as Leader of the Opposition with a tighter grip on the party. If the Congress high command could not punish him then, it is doubtful it can coerce him now. Shivakumar’s predicament is thus more tragic than tactical. He is not battling a rival alone, but an entire political structure built to outlast him. The promised coronation looks increasingly like a mirage drifting just ahead of a man condemned to keep walking. For the Congress, the cost of this paralysis is already visible. A government elected on guarantees and governance is consumed by succession. The party’s authority is dissolving while its factions harden. The Congress returned to power in Karnataka after years in the wilderness, only to re-enact the same leadership dysfunction that has crippled it elsewhere. Regardless of whether Siddaramaiah survives this storm, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Congress cannot survive the slow corrosion of its command in one of the few states it holds today.

The Missing Youth in Politics

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

In the run-up to Maharashtra’s elections, political parties are keen to highlight the role of young people. Yet behind the slogans and speeches, a crucial question remains: Where are the youth? Despite all the talk, it is still mostly the sons and daughters of established political families who rise through the ranks. Meanwhile, ordinary young people are often relegated to organizing protests, attending rallies, and manning campaign events. When it comes time to distribute tickets or positions of power, they are left out, and their frustration grows. This is not a new phenomenon, but today’s youth are more aware of their marginalization than ever before.

Maharashtra’s education system, particularly at the higher levels, remains deeply unequal. While opportunities have expanded in recent years, access to quality education is still out of reach for many young people in rural areas and among economically disadvantaged groups. Young political leaders rarely prioritize these educational concerns, and the parties they represent often sidestep them altogether. Programs to improve education, like skill development initiatives and reforms to the curriculum, are bogged down by bureaucracy. Scholarships for students in private and deemed universities have been cut, yet there is little outcry from the youth leadership. This lack of attention to educational challenges is not just a failure of politicians but reflects the inability of youth to organize and apply political pressure.

There is no doubt that youth participation in Maharashtra’s political arena has increased. But opportunities within the system still favour those from well-connected families. Social media has made it easier for youth from less privileged backgrounds to make their voices heard, but even for them, sustaining a political career is challenging. Money, social connections, and influence remain the currency of political power.

Young people who lead protests or hunger strikes may spend years fighting for a cause, but without financial or social backing, many cannot maintain their momentum. Frustration sets in early, and promising political careers often fizzle out. The system favours endurance, but endurance alone doesn’t pay the bills or win elections.

For young women, the path to political power is even steeper. Though opportunities have increased in recent years, women are often sidelined in the decision-making process. Traditional notions of family honour and responsibility still weigh heavily on parents who may hesitate to support their daughters’ political ambitions. This is particularly true for women from marginalized groups such as Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBC), who face additional cultural and structural barriers.

Youth leadership from Dalit, tribal, and OBC communities is growing through grassroots activism, driven by ideology rather than ambition. However, few make the leap from activism to political office, and even fewer secure lasting roles in mainstream politics, leaving their influence largely on the margins.

Those who do rise from humble beginnings face tremendous challenges. Political careers, especially at the local and rural levels, remain heavily influenced by wealth and social standing. While some Dalit and OBC leaders have been able to break through, most continue to struggle against a system that rewards connections over competence.

The next generation of political leaders in Maharashtra has already begun to emerge, but their path to power is fraught with obstacles. Whether they will succeed in reshaping the political system—or be sidelined like so many before them—remains to be seen. For now, the youth in Maharashtra are still on the outside looking in, waiting for their moment to lead.

(The writer is a lawyer and president, Student Helping Hands. Views personal.)

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