Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

min read

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

The Saffron Truce

Correspondent
Apr 14
3 min read

Ahead of the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly polls, a bruised BJP mends fences with the AIADMK.

Few states have proved as electorally impenetrable to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as Tamil Nadu. With its fiercely proud Dravidian identity and a political culture suspicious of northern impositions, the BJP has long been a fringe player in a state dominated by the Dravidian duopoly of the DMK and the AIADMK. Now, ahead of the 2026 Assembly elections, the BJP has pragmatically revived its alliance with the AIADMK while engineering a leadership reshuffle to soothe bruised egos on both sides.

The changes were the handiwork of Union Home Minister Amit Shah, who in his recent visit to the southern state, declared that the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) would contest the 2026 elections under the leadership of AIADMK chief Edappadi K. Palaniswami (EPS) and that the two parties would form a coalition government if victorious.

This was a signal of détente after months of visible strain. Central to this détente was the fate of K. Annamalai, the firebrand former IPS officer who, as BJP’s Tamil Nadu president since 2021, had become both a symbol of the party’s grassroots energy and a source of friction with its ally. Annamalai’s combative style, unafraid to criticise AIADMK icons (including a controversial remark about the late J. Jayalalithaa) had alienated senior AIADMK leaders. Matters came to a head in 2023 when the AIADMK quit the NDA, accusing the BJP’s state leadership of disrespect.

Though Amit Shah publicly maintained that Annamalai remained president at the time of the press conference, his symbolic sidelining was hard to miss. Within hours, the BJP announced Nainar Nagendran, the party’s Tirunelveli MLA and current vice-president, as state president of the BJP’s Tamil Nadu unit.

Nagendran’s elevation is not accidental. A former AIADMK minister who crossed over to the BJP in 2017, he is seen as a more conciliatory figure, someone with the credibility to mend bridges. His links to EPS and his measured tone have already reassured allies. Earlier this year, when he declared that there was no need to ‘intimidate’ the AIADMK into an alliance, it was viewed as a coded message to both sides that diplomacy was back in vogue.

This leadership recalibration is also an admission by the BJP high command that its solo strategy in Tamil Nadu has reached its limits. Despite Annamalai’s high-decibel campaigns and impressive visibility, the BJP failed to make significant electoral gains. In the 2021 Assembly elections, it won only four seats in alliance with the AIADMK. In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, the parties went separate ways and the DMK-led alliance swept the state.

Shah’s remarks made it clear that the BJP would fight the upcoming elections under Narendra Modi’s leadership at the Centre and EPS’s at the state level. This dual-leadership model offers the AIADMK the primacy it desires in Tamil Nadu, while preserving the BJP’s role as a national umbrella. The two parties, Shah said, would craft a common minimum programme and go village-to-village highlighting the corruption of the DMK government, which he alleged was mired in scams.

Notably, Shah insisted that the AIADMK had placed “no conditions” on the alliance. But party insiders acknowledge that EPS made Annamalai’s removal a tacit prerequisite for rapprochement. By crafting Annamalai’s exit as an elevation to the party’s “national framework,” the BJP preserved his dignity while mollifying its ally. Shah’s diplomacy was equally deft in refusing to be drawn into discussions about expelled AIADMK leaders like O. Panneerselvam or T.T.V. Dhinakaran, saying such matters were internal to the party.

Still, the alliance is not without its risks. Nagendran’s ability to balance the BJP’s ambitions with the AIADMK’s sensitivities will be tested in the months to come. Meanwhile, EPS, now firmly back in the driver’s seat, must convince voters that his alliance with the BJP is a principled stand against DMK corruption, not an opportunistic recalibration.

The road to Fort St. George is long and fraught. But for now, Tamil Nadu’s saffron alliance is back on the rails.

Red flag to green steel

The Saffron Truce

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