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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya...

Inside the secret power struggle behind Dhankhar’s resignation

Mumbai: The cryptic silence surrounding the abrupt resignation of former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar in July was shattered on the floor of the Rajya Sabha this Monday, not by a government clarification, but by the visible anguish of the Opposition. While official records continue to attribute his departure to “health reasons,” highly placed sources in the power corridors of the capital have now confirmed that a fatal misunderstanding of the shifting power dynamics between the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) top brass was the true precipice from which the former Vice President fell. The revelations surfaced as the Winter Session of Parliament commenced on Monday, December 1, 2025. The solemnity of welcoming the new Vice President and Rajya Sabha Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, was punctured by an emotional intervention from Leader of the Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge. The veteran Congress leader, hands shaking and voice trembling, shed tears on the floor of the House—a rare display of vulnerability that underscored the Opposition’s grievance over what they term an “institutional surgical strike.” The Failed Mediation Exclusive details emerging from Delhi’s political circles paint a picture of a constitutional authority who misread the winds of change. Sources reveal that tensions between Dhankhar and the government had been simmering for months, primarily over his handling of key legislative agendas and a perceived “drift” towards accommodating Opposition demands in the Upper House. As the chasm widened, a lifeline was reportedly thrown. A senior leader from a prominent alliance partner within the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) — a figure with decades of parliamentary experience and respect across the aisle — had discreetly offered to mediate. This leader recognized the growing impatience in the BJP high command and sought to bridge the gap before it became unbridgeable. However, Dhankhar declined the immediate urgency of this political mediation. “He was confident in his equations with the ideological parent,” a source familiar with the developments stated. “He is close to some of the RSS top functionaries and relied on them to mediate when his equations with the BJP top brass started going astray.” This reliance on Nagpur to manage New Delhi proved to be a critical miscalculation. Sources indicate that Dhankhar believed his deep ties with the Sangh would act as a buffer, insulating him from the political maneuvering of the ruling party’s executive leadership. He reportedly waited for the “green signal” or intervention from RSS functionaries, delaying the necessary reconciliation with the party leadership. Cost of delay The delay in mending ways was fatal. By the time the former Vice President realized that the RSS would not—or could not—overrule the BJP’s strategic decision to replace him, the die had been cast. The drift had become a gulf. The instruction, when it finally came on that fateful July 21, was absolute - he had to vacate the office immediately. The “untimely sudden resignation” that followed was officially cloaked in medical terminology, but insiders describe a chaotic exit. The former VP, who had recently moved into the lavish new Vice-President’s Enclave, was forced to vacate the premises in haste, leaving behind a tenure marked by both assertive confrontations and, ironically, a final act of silent compliance. Tears in the Upper House The ghost of this departure loomed large over Monday’s proceedings. Welcoming the new Chairman, C.P. Radhakrishnan, Mallikarjun Kharge could not hold back his emotions. Breaking away from the customary pleasantries, Kharge launched into a poignant lament for the predecessor who was denied a farewell. “I am constrained to refer to your predecessor’s completely unexpected and sudden exit from the office of the Rajya Sabha Chairman, which is unprecedented in the annals of parliamentary history,” Kharge said, his voice heavy with emotion. As Treasury benches erupted in protest, shouting slogans to drown out the discomforting truth, Kharge continued, wiping tears from his eyes. “The Chairman, being the custodian of the entire House, belongs as much to the Opposition as to the government. I was disheartened that the House did not get an opportunity to bid him a farewell. Regardless, we wish him, on behalf of the entire Opposition, a very healthy life.” The sight of the Leader of the Opposition shedding tears for a presiding officer with whom he had frequently clashed was a striking paradox. It highlighted the Opposition’s narrative that Dhankhar’s removal was not just a personnel change, but an assertion of executive dominance over the legislature. New chapter with old scars The government, represented by Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju, sharply countered Kharge’s remarks, accusing the Opposition of shedding “crocodile tears” after having moved impeachment notices against Dhankhar in the past. “You are insulting the Chair by raising this now,” Rijiju argued amidst the din. Yet, outside the House, the whispers persisted. The narrative of a Vice President who waited for a call from Nagpur that came too late has firmly taken root. As C.P. Radhakrishnan takes the Chair, he does so not just as a new presiding officer, but as the successor to a man who learned the hard way that in the current dispensation, political alignment with the executive supersedes even the oldest of ideological ties.

Uncle-Nephew Alliance Shaping Political Future

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Uncle-Nephew Alliance Shaping Political Future

When I met Shyamsunder (name changed), a full-time loyalist and Man Friday of a certain political heavyweight cabinet minister from New Delhi, he was bursting with enthusiasm. He confided that his boss had been holding very important closed-door meetings with prominent leaders of key political parties in Maharashtra last week. One meeting he admits stretched well for over two hours, and if things go well as planned, his boss may be the next Chief Minister of Maharashtra.

The two-hour meeting of this cabinet minister, he says, is part of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s plan to bring his boss to Maharashtra to collaborate with another heavyweight Maratha strongman in the state to form the new government post the upcoming state assembly elections. The base of this collaboration is not political compromise or newfound trust but a business joint venture of supply of auto components with foreign investment between the companies of both the cabinet minister and the Maratha leader, which, according to Shyamsunder, is valued over crores. With the two already in a business partnership with each other, it makes sense for them to politically align as well.

Not hard work, not talent, but dynasties and connections will once again play a role in the appointment of the next Chief Minister of one of the richest states of the country. The cabinet minister, with strong connections to Nagpur (the base of the RSS), is interestingly also said to be the nephew of one of the key leaders of the RSS and is expected to take over the new position once the assembly state elections are over.

Maharashtra has been and will always remain an important state for the BJP, as it brings in well over 40% of the revenue of the entire country. The status of a Chief Minister of Maharashtra, says Shyamsunder, is almost equal to that of being a Deputy Prime Minister of India, and with the list of contenders rising within the BJP and its coalition partners, it was time to devise a new plan to stop this ‘race’ by bringing in a veteran face that would not only be accepted across all parties (even new coalition partners) but would also put in place any ambitious leaders within the BJP.

If this happens, one can expect to see changes in the political fortunes of many prominent leaders not only within the BJP and RSS but also with other political parties and their factions as well.

With the delay in seat-sharing formulas between political parties of both Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi and Mahayuti taking longer than expected, more leaders within the BJP are expected to defect over the next few days. The exit of BJP leader Samarjitsingh Ghatge to Sharad Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party is only the beginning.

The RSS has always been known to be one step ahead in planning and executing political strategies both for the organisation and the state. The BJP has been largely supported by the RSS, its parent body. Although RSS office bearers may deny the relation between the two, a large number of BJP party workers over the years have been promoted and elevated to various political positions with the support of the RSS. A book by the organisation titled ‘About RSS—Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh’ mentions that the RSS was established in 1925 and conducts social work across all states and districts of the country through its 40,000 shakhas.

Interestingly, an excerpt from the book reads, ‘The RSS has its own vision and concept about our national development. And our Swayamsevaks naturally are inclined to political parties who share this Sangh view and will be supportive of them.’ As the BJP shares this vision of the RSS, naturally, it receives the cooperation and the backing of Swayamsewaks. And judging from the plans currently in motion, it looks like the whole nation is Maharashtra for now!

(The is a senior jounalist. Views personal.)

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