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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

'University' issues bogus construction worker certificates

Welfare funds looted, glaring political patronage exposed

AI generated image
AI generated image

Kolhapur: India’s booming construction sector has crossed Rs 3 lakh crore in annual turnover, and Maharashtra alone accounts for nearly Rs 30,000 crore annually, employing around 80 lakh workers. Yet, shockingly, less than 20 per cent of them are officially registered with the Maharashtra Building and Other Construction Workers Welfare Board — a body created under a 1996 law to safeguard their welfare.


By law, builders and contractors are required to deposit 1 per cent of the construction cost as a welfare cess with the Board. Maharashtra collects the highest amount in the country, averaging Rs 3,500 crore annually. This fund is meant to support welfare schemes for registered workers and their families. But over the years, these schemes have been deeply infiltrated by fake beneficiaries — and the rot runs deep.


A well-orchestrated racket involving the mass registration of bogus construction workers has not only looted public money but allegedly helped politicians secure electoral wins. Certain political leaders, eyeing captive vote banks, are believed to have greenlit fake IDs in exchange for votes, turning welfare into a tool for political gain.


The question now haunting the state is: where exactly is the “university” churning out fake construction worker certificates? Intelligence agencies, say experts, must investigate and expose this shadow network, as the very foundation of welfare distribution stands compromised.


Verification drive

Following rising allegations, the state’s Labour Department began an internal verification drive. In Kolhapur’s Kagal taluka, a large number of fake construction workers were unearthed, followed by similar findings in Hatkanangle. Investigations reveal that a strong network of middlemen and agents has been operating for years, raking in lakhs through commission-based scams tied to these fake registrations.


But the rot is not confined to just a couple of talukas — it’s systemic. What began as an attempt to address the lack of formal documentation among unorganised workers has been turned into a textbook example of how to exploit state schemes. Registered “beneficiaries” with no connection to the construction sector are drawing benefits while genuine workers remain excluded.


By 2019, the Welfare Board had amassed Rs 7,482 crore — but due to poor beneficiary identification, only Rs 830 crore had actually been utilised. After media scrutiny, the state rushed into a “beneficiary hunt.” One senior leader allegedly seized the opportunity, distributing fake IDs to non-workers, creating a large, loyal vote bank in the process.


The scheme took off — free benefits attracted thousands, and soon, fake construction IDs became a commodity. Voters wore the mantle of “construction workers” to tap into crores of rupees lying idle in government coffers. As a result, identifying and dismantling this bogus certificate machinery has now become the biggest challenge before the state.


The pattern is familiar. Be it the Laadki Bahin Yojana, transport fare concessions for senior citizens, or schemes for the differently abled — most state-run welfare programmes have fallen prey to fake beneficiaries and the agents who support them. Behind these lies an unregulated black market of forged documents, diverting funds meant for the most vulnerable.


Unless the state revamps its registration and verification processes, the loot will continue. Today, beneficiaries are registered online, money is disbursed without verification, and investigations begin only after complaints surface. The chain of accountability remains weak, and the political will to act is often absent.


This is not just Maharashtra’s problem. A recent RTI reply from the Union Labour Ministry revealed that Rs 70,744 crore across India remains unspent under construction worker welfare funds.

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