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By:

Parth Kapole

15 April 2026 at 5:42:09 pm

A Constitutional Turning Point

The history of Indian democracy is not limited to elections or changes in government. It is also the story of expanding representation, increasing inclusion and the gradual evolution of power structures. For a long time, women did not receive equal space in this journey. While they were present in politics, their representation and influence remained limited. In this context, the ‘Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam’ stands out as an important step towards ensuring stronger and more meaningful...

A Constitutional Turning Point

The history of Indian democracy is not limited to elections or changes in government. It is also the story of expanding representation, increasing inclusion and the gradual evolution of power structures. For a long time, women did not receive equal space in this journey. While they were present in politics, their representation and influence remained limited. In this context, the ‘Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam’ stands out as an important step towards ensuring stronger and more meaningful participation of women in politics. The debate scheduled in Parliament from April 16 to 18 is not just a procedural exercise, it is also a test of the maturity and inclusiveness of Indian democracy. Although women’s reservation received constitutional approval in 2023, its implementation was delayed due to technical reasons. The requirement of a fresh Census and subsequent delimitation- redrawing of seats- remained the biggest hurdle. Now, by allowing delimitation based on the 2011 Census, the government has taken a step towards removing this obstacle. This makes it increasingly possible for 33 percent reservation for women to be implemented in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies by 2029. This is not just a legal process, but the beginning of a significant structural change in Indian politics. The history of women’s reservation in India has been shaped by a constant tension between opportunity and hesitation. Since its introduction in 1996, the bill remained stalled for nearly three decades, caught in political differences, social complexities and vote-bank politics. Even after being passed in the Rajya Sabha in 2010, it was not taken up in the Lok Sabha. This delay largely reflected a lack of political will and the influence of electoral considerations. In contrast, the present central government has shown clear political will by deciding to implement this law in a structured manner, without being constrained by vote-bank concerns. The most visible impact of this change will be the significant rise in women’s representation in Parliament. From around 74 women MPs at present, the number could increase to over 270 in the future. This will allow women’s perspectives to be better reflected in policymaking and make the decision-making process more inclusive. The strong performance of women at the panchayat (local governance) level has already laid a solid foundation for this shift. Their proven leadership at the grassroots is now expected to shape politics at the state and national levels as well. Social Dignity This entire process is part of a well-thought-out, clearly planned and phased initiative. Women’s empowerment has not been limited to politics alone; instead, the focus began with improving social dignity, economic independence, and health security. Initiatives like Swachh Bharat Abhiyan and Ujjwala Yojana addressed everyday challenges faced by women. Schemes such as Jan Dhan, Direct Benefit Transfer, Mudra loans and Lakhpati Didi enhanced their economic participation, while Ayushman Bharat ensured health protection. The broader aim of these efforts has been to transform women from mere beneficiaries into active participants in development and now, the final step in this journey is political empowerment. Women’s Power The rising participation of women in voting clearly reflects this transformation. In 2024, women’s voter turnout reached 65.8 per cent, surpassing men in several states. This is not just a statistic, it signals that women have established a distinct political identity. In such a scenario, providing them with constitutional representation has become a necessity for a healthy democracy. Amid these developments, some voices of opposition have also emerged. Certain political parties have termed the process as rushed. Former Congress President Sonia Gandhi, in an article, has questioned the intent of the government. However, it is important to examine these claims in light of facts. Sonia Gandhi argues that the government is acting in haste, yet it was the same Congress party that, after the Bill was passed in 2023, demanded its immediate implementation. Rahul Gandhi had also called for its prompt execution. The party held press conferences across the country, stating that waiting for census and delimitation was not necessary. In this context, calling the current step ‘hurried’ appears contradictory. Concerns regarding OBC reservation and representation of smaller states also deserve attention, but they too have a political history. Between 1998 and 2010, parties like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal opposed the Bill on these grounds, preventing its progress. During this period, the Congress did not take a firm stand against its allies. As a result, the issue often became more about political strategy than social justice. On the matter of delimitation and state representation, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has clarified that no state will lose its Lok Sabha seats. He has also assured that concerns of southern and smaller states will be addressed through legal safeguards. Delimitation is a constitutional process that has been delayed for a long time, and its implementation is necessary to ensure balanced representation. (The writer is a political analyst based in New Delhi.)

Unshackled yet Vulnerable

Eknath Shinde’s high stakes pivot in the post-Ajit era

Mumbai: The swearing-in of Sunetra Pawar as Deputy Chief Minister has optically restored the Mahayuti’s "tripod" structure, but for Eknath Shinde and his Shiv Sena faction, the ground reality has shifted seismically. The sudden exit of Ajit Pawar—often seen as the "counterweight" in the alliance—has fundamentally rewritten Shinde’s survival equation.


For the last two years, Shinde operated in a high-pressure "sandwich" between Devendra Fadnavis’s strategic command and Ajit Pawar’s administrative dominance. With the latter gone, Shinde is no longer just the "other" Deputy CM; he is now the operational anchor of the government, a shift that brings both immense opportunity and existential risk.


Sunetra Pawar’s sudden elevation as Maharashtra’s Deputy Chief Minister after Ajit Pawar’s tragic death has also unsettled other Shiv Sena leaders, who publicly welcomed the move but privately expressed surprise and concern. The development reshapes the Mahayuti alliance, with Eknath Shinde caught between asserting his mass appeal and managing BJP’s growing dominance.


Third Wheel

Until last week, Eknath Shinde often found his administrative influence curtailed by Ajit Pawar’s aggressive style. Ajit "Dada" controlled the bureaucracy and the purse strings, often leaving Shinde’s MLAs complaining about stalled files and delayed funds. How the new reality would unfold is not yet clear.


With Sunetra Pawar being a political novice inducted primarily for "sympathy" and "legacy" management, Shinde is now the sole experienced administrator alongside Fadnavis. The "administrative friction" that plagued Shinde’s faction is gone. In cabinet meetings and operational governance, Shinde’s voice will likely carry significantly more weight, as he is no longer competing for airtime with a heavyweight like Ajit Pawar.


Finance Dilemma

The decision by Chief Minister Fadnavis to retain the Finance and Planning portfolio—rather than handing it to Sunetra Pawar—is the single most critical development for the Shiv Sena. The good news is that Shinde’s MLAs will no longer have to beg an NCP Finance Minister for development funds—a major grievance that had threatened internal revolts in the Sena camp. However, it can also turn out to be the bad news, since financial power will be completely centralized within the BJP now. Previously, Shinde could subtly play the BJP and NCP against each other to extract resources. Now, he faces a monolithic BJP command center. If Fadnavis tightens the purse strings, Shinde has no "second door" to knock on.


The BMC Bargaining Chip

The immediate effects of Shinde’s new fears were seen in Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) and other Municipal Corporations in the MMR, where insteady of bargaining for a larger share of power, the Shiv Sena under Shinde appeared to be content with whatever it got from the BJP and quietly accepting it. This was very unlikely of their track record till now and contrary to the party insiders who were very aggressive till last week sending out signals that Shinde would bargain strongly for the demands like Mayoral post in Mumbai to assert the ‘rights of Marathi Manoos’.

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