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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Waqf Reform

Inadvertently or not, Narendra Modi and Amit Shah may have handed the Muslim community a remarkable gift. The Waqf (Amendment) Bill, passed after a fiery 12-hour debate in the Lok Sabha on April 2nd, has been predictably branded ‘anti-Muslim’ by an Opposition eager to stir communal anxieties. Yet, in reality, the bill does no such thing. Most significantly, it makes no provision to reclaim land that Waqf Boards have previously seized, often under dubious circumstances, under the sweeping powers they wielded for decades. This alone is an act of extraordinary leniency.


The bill amends the Waqf Act of 1995, stripping away its most controversial provision: Section 40, which allowed Waqf Boards to unilaterally declare any land as waqf property, sometimes at the mere assertion of an individual or cleric. The removal of this clause eliminates a longstanding grievance that had led to legal battles, bureaucratic paralysis and allegations of land-grabbing under religious pretext. So, while it prevents further grabbing of land under this provision, there is no enabler to recover land already classified as waqf property in the past. Had the bill included a provision to revisit past acquisitions, it would have sparked a fierce reckoning over Waqf Boards’ unchecked expansion. Instead, it effectively lets sleeping dogs lie.


Despite its generosity, the bill has provoked outrage. The Opposition claims the amendments undermine Muslim religious institutions. That charge is not just misleading but mischievous. The amendments neither dilute the Islamic nature of waqf endowments nor interfere in religious practices. If anything, the bill reinforces the autonomy of Muslim institutions, ensuring that only Muslims can serve as mutawallis (custodians) and donors, while permitting non-Muslims to be included in administrative roles for transparency.


Opposition leaders may find it convenient to ignore the sheer scale of the waqf system in India. Waqf Boards collectively control over 8.7 lakh properties, spanning 9.4 lakh acres, making them one of the country’s largest landowners, alongside the Indian Railways and the armed forces. In the past 12 years alone, 21 lakh acres were added to waqf holdings, raising serious concerns about the methods of acquisition. Yet, instead of addressing these concerns, critics of the bill have clung to the tired argument that any reform of waqf laws is an attack on the Muslim community.


For decades, Waqf Boards have functioned with little oversight, despite widespread corruption, nepotism, and mismanagement. The bill’s introduction of a Unified Waqf Management system, aptly named UMEED (hope), is a belated attempt to bring efficiency and accountability to an institution that desperately needs it.


It is revealing that the Opposition, which claims to champion minority welfare, has chosen to side with the status quo instead of supporting reforms that could help ordinary Muslims. This bill strengthens waqf governance, removes the arbitrary power to annex land and leaves past acquisitions unchallenged. The real question is whether the Muslim community will recognize this reform for what it is: not an attack, but an opportunity.

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