Ward Manipulation
- Correspondent
- Jun 12
- 2 min read
Municipal elections are supposed to be the closest link between citizen and state. They are the electoral forum where potholed roads, erratic water supply and choked drains meet their reckoning. But in Maharashtra, civic polls have long been reduced to a cynical exercise in electoral arithmetic rather than a platform for grassroots accountability. The latest decision by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led Mahayuti to revert to a four-member ward system is but the latest example of this trend.
The last time this format was used in the 2017 municipal polls, the BJP stormed to power in several lucrative urban bodies, including the sprawling Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad corporations which had eluded them. That the party is once again keen on this format now that it is in the saddle only reaffirms the fact that the shape and structure of civic governance is dictated not by administrative efficiency, but by political expediency.
Under the previous Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) government, a three-member ward system was in operation that tried to play cards for its own advantage. Opposition parties have, predictably, cried foul, but their protests ring hollow. When they were in power, they too fiddled with ward structures to suit their alliances.
In theory, each ward electing four corporators ought to increase representation. In practice, it creates confusion. Who is responsible for that broken pipeline? Whom does the citizen approach to fix a clogged drain or get a ration card signed? The answer is often lost in a bureaucratic haze. Till now, three wards or four wards, either system has bred diffusion of responsibility, and not democratic empowerment. It may be a neat arrangement for seat-sharing in coalitions, but it is a rotten deal for the urban resident.
The rich civic bodies of Mumbai, Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad oversee budgets that rival those of small states. These are not trifling institutions. They build flyovers, manage waste, issue trade licenses and regulate public health. And yet, their internal design is increasingly at the mercy of political winds. This constant rearranging of ward structures erodes institutional memory, frustrates policy continuity and renders long-term planning a farce.
Voter cynicism is thus not misplaced as they find that big parties treat civic governance as the staging ground for state-level muscle flexing.
For most urban residents, life between elections remains a daily battle with poor infrastructure and indifferent governance. That frustration rarely translates into outrage over ward engineering because the implications are deliberately obscured by technical jargon and legalese.
Reforming civic governance in Maharashtra demands not just greater autonomy for municipal bodies, but a firm firewall between politics and procedure. The state needs an independent delimitation commission for urban wards, much like the one for parliamentary constituencies. Without it, every civic poll will be less about sewers and schools and more about scoring political points. In a state that prides itself on industrial prowess and urban sophistication, it is a disgrace that civic governance continues to be treated as a partisan chessboard.
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