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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

When War Becomes a Script

Mar 8
3 min read

As Donald Trump’s strikes on Iran push the Middle East towards an ever- widening conflagration, more than a few have noted that the timing coincided with renewed scrutiny over the Epstein files.


In this context, the razor-edged 1997 Hollywood satire ‘Wag the Dog’ - about a President’s advisers who fabricate a war with Albania to distract the public’s attention from a sexual scandal damaging to the administration - feels less fiction than documentary.


Nearly three decades later, this black comedy, directed by Barry Levinson and starring Dustin Hoffman and Robert de Niro, eerily seems to hold up a mirror to contemporary politics. Its premise of a foreign crisis eclipsing a domestic scandal feels uncannily familiar at the moment.


The brilliance of ‘Wag the Dog’ lies not merely in its satire but in its clinical understanding of modern political theatre. De Niro plays Conrad Brean, a monk-like spin doctor summoned to contain the scandal. His breathtakingly simple solution is to give the nation something ‘larger’ to worry about.


Enter Hoffman’s Stanley Motss, a flamboyant Hollywood producer who treats geopolitics like a studio production. A consummate artist, Motss’ fervent belief is that if a war is needed, it must be staged convincingly – replete with grainy footage, patriotic music and an emotional storyline involving an Albanian refugee clutching a kitten.


A striking line from the film - “of course there’s a war… I’m watching it on television” - captures the film’s central thesis that in the media age, wars do not merely ‘happen’ but are narrated and marketed.


The film, adapted from Larry Beinhart’s 1993 novel ‘American Hero,’ was originally conceived as a satire on the political spectacle surrounding the first Gulf War. But fate endowed it with an even sharper edge. Only months after the film’s release, President Bill Clinton found himself engulfed in the Clinton–Lewinsky scandal. When the United States launched missile strikes in Sudan and Afghanistan in 1998, critics immediately invoked the film’s title as shorthand for diversionary war.


Such coincidences have ensured that ‘Wag the Dog’ has aged less like satire and more like a diagnostic manual for diversion. Its humour derives from the unsettling plausibility of its premise. Scarier is the fact that the de Niro and Hoffman characters, rather than rely on grand conspiracies, manufacture their ‘war’ through familiar institutions of public relations and television networks while cannily playing on the nation’s patriotic reflexes.


The film belongs to a distinguished tradition of political cinema that explores how power manufactures consent. Stanley Kubrick’s 1964 Cold War masterpiece ‘Dr. Strangelove’ revealed the absurd logic that could lead the world to nuclear annihilation. Later works such as Warren Beatty’s biting ‘Bulworth’ (1998) and ‘Charlie Wilson’s War’ (2007) explored the uneasy relationship between spectacle, ideology and foreign policy, leavened with dollops of smart black humour.


But ‘Wag the Dog’ remains unique in its focus on the fusion of politics and entertainment. In Levinson’s film, it is Washington that behaves like Hollywood and vice versa. Motss fusses over lighting and narrative arcs while producing footage of a fictional war zone, treating geopolitics as merely another blockbuster awaiting release.


The film itself nods toward earlier episodes of American military spectacle. At one point, the characters cite the 1983 invasion of Grenada as an example of how quickly patriotic fervour can be mobilised and how murky the motives behind foreign interventions sometimes appear.


Watching ‘Wag the Dog’ today, one is struck by its prescience in anticipating the mechanics of modern media ecosystems. In 1997, the internet was barely a political force and cable news still dominated the narrative cycle. Yet the film anticipated a world in which spectacle outruns scrutiny, where a compelling ‘story’ can eclipse inconvenient truths.


That is why its resonance amid today’s geopolitical turbulence is all the more striking.


The film’s final irony is also its most striking as it reveals the limits of manipulation itself. The Dustin Hoffman character, having successfully manufactured the war, grows intoxicated with his own creative genius and demands recognition. He is then quietly eliminated in an unsubtle reminder that in politics, the most effective stage managers are never allowed to take a bow.


Nearly thirty years on, ‘Wag the Dog’ still provokes uneasy laughter. Its troubling message is that when politics becomes performance, war risks becoming just another plot device. And in the age of perpetual spectacle, the question is no longer whether the dog wags its tail but whether the tail has begun to wag the dog. 


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