top of page

By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Whirring Blades, Warring Neighbours

Aug 11, 2025
4 min read

India’s Apaches and Pakistan’s Z-10MEs are signposts in an accelerating South Asian arms race.

In South Asia, where the map is still defined by old wars and the memories of near ones, the induction of attack helicopters is a declaration of intent that is impossible to ignore.

 

Purpose-built to destroy tanks, smash fortifications and shield advancing troops, these machines are the shock cavalry of the modern age. They are like predators from the drawing board onwards: gunships with teeth in the form of machine guns, autocannons, rockets and guided missiles. And in the last decade, they have become a centrepiece of the India–Pakistan military equation.

 

India’s choice is the AH-64E Apache Guardian, the latest and most advanced variant of America’s most battle-tested attack helicopter. The Apache’s combat record stretches from Iraq to Afghanistan, and its very silhouette signals lethality. It carries a 30mm chain gun capable of tearing through infantry and light armour, Hellfire missiles for dispatching tanks at a distance and Hydra rockets for suppressing wide areas. For self-defence, it can be armed with air-to-air missiles, because in a contested battlespace, even the hunter can become prey.

 

What makes the Apache truly dangerous, however, is its brain. The Longbow radar can detect, classify, and prioritise targets while the helicopter hides behind terrain. Modern infrared and night-vision systems allow it to fight in darkness and foul weather. Its data links enable it to pass target information to tanks, infantry or drones in real time and uniquely take control of UAVs directly, extending its reach and awareness far beyond its own line of sight.

 

Pakistan’s choice is the Chinese-built Z-10ME, a machine once dismissed as underpowered but now heavily upgraded. With new engines delivering 30 percent more output, it can operate in the thin air of the Hindu Kush and Siachen - terrains that were once its Achilles heel. It carries an arsenal designed to match or at least threaten the Apache: AKD-10 anti-tank missiles, CM-502AG air-to-ground missiles, TY-90 air-to-air missiles, and a 23mm autocannon. It is compatible with loitering munitions and UAVs, signalling China’s own move toward integrated battlefield systems. Ceramic composite armour, electronic warfare suites, and infrared suppressors give it a fighting chance in the same hostile environments where the Apache thrives.

 

That Pakistan now flies the Z-10ME is a story in itself. This is a country that once fielded American Cobras, machines that served for decades but are now hopelessly outdated. Islamabad had previously turned down Chinese offers of the Z-10, citing performance concerns. The decision to induct the upgraded ME variant shows both how far the design has come and how far Pakistan has moved into China’s military orbit. It is also an admission that access to American platforms is, for now, politically impossible.

 

The two machines are not equal. The Apache’s systems, survivability, and combat record give it the edge. But war is rarely a technical spreadsheet exercise. The Z-10ME’s induction is enough to complicate India’s planning, just as the Apache’s presence forces Pakistan to adapt its doctrine.

 

This matters because South Asia is not a region where such capabilities gather dust. The 1965 and 1971 wars saw some of the largest tank battles since the Second World War. The Kargil conflict of 1999, though fought largely in the mountains, underscored the need for precision firepower close to the line of control. In such a theatre, the attack helicopter is not a museum piece; it is a plausible first responder in any flare-up.

 

The danger is that their very existence may encourage their use. They are tactical assets, not strategic ones, and therefore fall into the category of ‘use it or lose it’ in a shooting war. If skirmishes escalate, the temptation to deploy them early to break a stalemate or exact retribution will be high. And once in the fight, they are hard to disengage.

 

There is also the matter of signalling. Helicopter deployments can be highly visible, whether in forward bases, at joint exercises, or on patrol near contested borders. In a region where the political temperature can spike overnight, such visibility risks being read as preparation for aggression. That misreading, in turn, can feed the spiral of escalation that South Asia knows too well.

 

India will, for now, retain qualitative superiority, not just in helicopters but across its air and ground forces. Its defence budget is larger, its supplier base more diversified, and its military-industrial ecosystem more developed. But Pakistan’s acquisition of the Z-10ME demonstrates that parity is not the goal; deterrence is. In this sense, every Apache India buys is an argument for Pakistan to seek a counterweight, and every Z-10ME Pakistan inducts is a reason for India to upgrade further.

 

This is the logic of the slow-burn arms race. It does not require either side to believe war is imminent. It requires only the belief that, should war come, the other side must not be allowed to hold a decisive advantage. That belief is alive and well on both sides of the Radcliffe Line.


The Chinese philosopher Lao Tzu cautioned that “there is no greater danger than underestimating your opponent.” In South Asia’s skies, the corollary holds true: overestimating one’s own invulnerability can be just as fatal. The Apache and the Z-10ME are machines built to fight. Whether they become machines that fight each other depends on the restraint of the people who command them.

 

(The writer is a retired naval aviation officer and defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)

Comments


bottom of page