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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Maratha quota stir poised for revival

Manoj Jarange issues August ultimatum as CM cites record certificate distribution Mumbai: Maharashtra is bracing for renewed political turbulence as the Maratha quota agitation threatens to engulf the state once again. Prominent activist Manoj Jarange Patil has sounded a clarion call for a final, decisive protest beginning August 29, marking the third anniversary of the community’s relentless struggle. In stark contrast, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has stepped in to defuse the escalating...

Maratha quota stir poised for revival

Manoj Jarange issues August ultimatum as CM cites record certificate distribution Mumbai: Maharashtra is bracing for renewed political turbulence as the Maratha quota agitation threatens to engulf the state once again. Prominent activist Manoj Jarange Patil has sounded a clarion call for a final, decisive protest beginning August 29, marking the third anniversary of the community’s relentless struggle. In stark contrast, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has stepped in to defuse the escalating tensions, asserting that the government remains highly responsive to the community’s demands and that the pendency of caste certificates is virtually negligible. Addressing a massive press conference at Antarwali Sarati in the Jalna district of Marathwada, Jarange Patil expressed deep frustration with the state administration. He accused the government of deliberately deceiving the Maratha community and employing delaying tactics. According to the activist, the state has discovered approximately 58 lakh Kunbi caste records, yet the administration continues to withhold vital Kunbi certificates from eligible Maratha community members. Issuing a stern ultimatum, he demanded that caste certificates based on the Hyderabad gazette be issued to all rightful beneficiaries by August 28. Failing this, he warned, a massive mobilization will commence from every village across the state starting August 19. He passionately stated that the community has been sacrificing its blood for the youth for three years and will not back down until the issue reaches a logical conclusion. Robust Defence Countering these allegations, CM Fadnavis presented a robust defence of the Mahayuti government’s track record while speaking to the media in Nagpur. He emphasised that caste certificates are processed and issued promptly upon request. He firmly stated that everyone who has applied for a caste certificate has received it, adding that the number of pending cases is exceedingly low. Fadnavis dismissed the notion that certificates are being arbitrarily denied, reinforcing that the current administration has made and executed more pro-Maratha decisions than any previous government. He maintained a conciliatory tone, noting that the administration remains open to dialogue and is willing to find constructive solutions if any genuine grievances persist. Progress Report The state government’s claims are corroborated by the latest progress report from the Justice Sandeep Shinde committee, which was established to oversee the distribution of Maratha-Kunbi, Kunbi-Maratha, and Kunbi certificates. As of July 27, 2026, the data from the Divisional Commissionerate in Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar paints a picture of swift administrative action in Marathwada. Out of a total of 311,609 applications received, a staggering 311,033 applicants have been successfully issued Kunbi certificates. Only 515 applications faced rejection, while a mere 61 remain pending across the division. Furthermore, officials noted that 72,012 certificates have been distributed in the region from September 2025 to the present date. A district-wise analysis of the Marathwada region highlights this extensive distribution network. In Beed district, the administration achieved a near-perfect clearance rate, distributing 206,789 certificates against 206,799 applications, with zero pending files currently. Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar saw 25,211 certificates issued from 25,295 applications, leaving only 15 pending. Similarly, Jalna district processed 18,128 applications to distribute 18,053 certificates, with just 13 awaiting approval. Parbhani and Hingoli districts reported the distribution of 20,832 and 13,286 certificates, respectively, with negligible pendency. Nanded district cleared all its 4,841 applications with no backlog, while Latur and Dharashiv districts successfully distributed 2,751 and 19,281 certificates, respectively. Demands’ Charter Despite these administrative milestones, Jarange Patil has expanded his charter of demands, intensifying his critique of the state’s welfare mechanisms. He has now called for the creation of a dedicated Maratha welfare department, questioning why the Maratha community cannot have a separate ministry similar to the one existing for OBCs. He alleged that nine ministers in the current coalition are actively opposing this proposal, threatening to expose their names during the mega rally on August 29. Furthermore, he lashed out at the government over the systemic failure in implementing existing welfare schemes. He claimed that despite official resolutions granting Maratha students parity with OBC students, educational institutions are not enforcing these benefits at the school and college levels. He also accused the state of shutting down initiatives under the Sarathi institute and noted that flawed loan processes under the Annasaheb Patil Corporation are turning into bad debts, effectively ruining the CIBIL scores of young entrepreneurs. Capping off his grievances, Jarange Patil alleged a discriminatory bias in government recruitment, questioning the state administration over what he termed an “apartheid” against Maratha candidates.

From Shadow to Sovereignty

Samrat Choudhary’s ascent marks the BJP’s long-awaited primacy in Bihar but escaping Nitish Kumar’s towering legacy will define his rule.

Reaching the summit of power in Bihar has never been easy. Staying there, while commanding acceptance across the state’s intricate social mosaic, is harder still. The recent elevation of Samrat Choudhary as Bihar’s 24th Chief Minister marks the beginning of a new political phase, one in which the Bharatiya Janata Party finally assumes the role it has long coveted of being the senior partner in the state’s power structure.


For decades, the BJP played second fiddle in Bihar, notably under the long stewardship of Nitish Kumar. With Kumar’s move to the Rajya Sabha, a political, administrative and symbolic vacuum has opened up. Filling it will test not just Choudhary’s political instincts, but his capacity to redefine leadership in a state accustomed to a singular, stabilising figure.


Determined Rise

Choudhary’s rise is neither sudden nor accidental. It is the culmination of legacy, calculation and persistence. Born in 1968 in Munger, he inherited political capital from his father, Shakuni Choudhary, but did not rely on lineage alone. His early induction into power as one of the youngest ministers in the Rabri Devi government in 1999 had offered a glimpse of his promise. Yet his journey since has been marked by ideological flexibility and strategic repositioning.


His shift to the BJP in 2017 proved decisive. The party, seeking to recalibrate Bihar’s caste arithmetic, identified in him a potent OBC face capable of countering the Rashtriya Janata Dal’s entrenched Muslim-Yadav alliance. As a leader from the Kushwaha community, Choudhary became central to the BJP’s attempt to consolidate non-Yadav OBCs under its fold. His subsequent appointment as the party’s state president signalled trust. His elevation to Chief Minister now signals necessity.


Great Expectations

Yet with elevation comes expectation. Choudhary is only the second leader after Karpoori Thakur to have served as Deputy Chief Minister before ascending to the top post. For nearly two decades, Nitish Kumar had personified Bihar’s governing framework. His tenure reshaped the state’s administrative narrative, emphasising infrastructure, law and order, women’s empowerment and prohibition.


The question confronting Choudhary is stark: will he remain an inheritor of that model, or attempt to recast it?


For now, the answer remains uncertain. Political longevity in Bihar depends not just on authority, but on acceptability. Kumar’s appeal cut across caste and gender lines, drawing support from Mahadalits, Extremely Backward Classes and women - groups that had historically remained politically fragmented. Choudhary begins with strong organisational backing and the imprimatur of the BJP’s central leadership. But governance demands a different temperament. His reputation as an aggressive political operator must now give way to administrative composure.


Every decision he takes will inevitably invite comparison with his predecessor. On issues like prohibition (an emotive and contested policy) ambiguity will not suffice. Nor will rhetorical positioning replace policy clarity. The first hundred days of his tenure will shape perceptions of his intent.


Furthermore, challenges before Choudhary are not merely confined to the opposition benches. Many fault lines persist within the ruling alliance itself. With Kumar’s departure to the Rajya Sabha, questions swirl around the future of the Janata Dal (United) and the potential political role of his son, Nishant Kumar. Unease within the JD(U) is palpable. Managing this delicate equilibrium will require great tact on Choudhary’s part even as he consolidates his own authority.


Within his party, too, ambitions must be managed. Senior BJP leaders who were overlooked for the top post will expect some accommodation. Political transitions often falter not because of external opposition, but internal discord. Choudhary will need to ensure that his leadership does not deepen latent fractures.


The opposition is unlikely to grant Choudhary a grace period. Past controversies, from his early removal as a minister to questions surrounding his academic credentials, are likely to be revived and amplified in Bihar’s unforgiving political theatre.


Durable Edifice

For the BJP, this is a moment of both arrival and risk. Having emerged from Nitish Kumar’s shadow, it must now construct its own durable political edifice in Bihar. Choudhary is both its architect and its test case.


His strengths are evident. His OBC identity positions him well within Bihar’s caste calculus. His proximity to the BJP’s central leadership ensures political backing. But his greatest obstacle remains the enduring aura of Nitish Kumar.


Developmental aspirations in the state coexist uneasily with entrenched caste loyalties. Any attempt to push reform must navigate this dual reality. Choudhary cannot afford to ignore either.


His personal story of ascent from grassroots politics to the state’s highest office fits neatly into the narrative of democratic mobility. But this sympathy (if any) will not help Choudhary govern the restive state.


The larger question is not whether Choudhary can rule Bihar. It is whether he can redefine it. Can he shed the state’s lingering ‘BIMARU’ image and push it toward sustained economic and social transformation? Can he balance continuity with change, retaining the gains of the Nitish era while imprinting his own ideological and administrative vision?


Whatever the future may hold, it is clear that Bihar stands at an inflection point today. While power has come to Samrat Choudhary, authority must still be earned.


(The writer is a senior journalist who has authored a number of books. Views personal.)


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