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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Thackerays’ ‘Taandav’ for trees, tigers

AI generated image Mumbai: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray launched a sharp attack on the government for the systematic degradation of the state’s environment under the garb of development, even as the climate change poses a direct threat to the environment, economy, agriculture, public health and the future of both rural and urban centres. Questioning the state government’s claims of having planted millions of trees, he rued how the World Environment Day has been...

Thackerays’ ‘Taandav’ for trees, tigers

AI generated image Mumbai: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray launched a sharp attack on the government for the systematic degradation of the state’s environment under the garb of development, even as the climate change poses a direct threat to the environment, economy, agriculture, public health and the future of both rural and urban centres. Questioning the state government’s claims of having planted millions of trees, he rued how the World Environment Day has been reduced to an annual ritual of tree-planting drives and clicking selfies for social media, though 90 pc of the saplings don’t survive even a day. “Only the government knows where those trees really are,” said Raj sternly. He recalled a "Blueprint of Maharashtra’s Development" he had proposed in 2015, in which he advocated how development without environmental sensitivity is hollow. Justifying, he said that the consequences are visible where roads, bridges and infrastructure projects are hailed as achievements, but even a short spell of rainfall can paralyze entire cities. Referring to recent reports on farmers returning from the fields after 10 am due to the scorching heat, Raj said that the worsening climate crisis has become an everyday reality. Citing official statistics, Raj claimed that extreme heat has caused productivity losses of nearly USD 159 billion and slashing of 160 billion work-hours annually in recent years. He mentioned the World Bank estimates that India’s GDP could plummet by 2.5-4.5 pc while 57 pc of the country’s districts sheltering 76 pc of the population stare at serious climate-related crises. Taking a swipe, he said while the governments boast about growth figures and economical rankings, they are silent on the staggering costs of environmental destruction. He questioned the development model “whether flooded cities, washed-away crops and unbearable summers” genuinely indicate progress. Claiming that Maharashtra was increasingly becoming unliveable for upto 8 months in a year, he said excessive monsoon rains disrupt rural life and urban floods cripple cities, while extreme heat make normal life a torture in summers in both urban-rural areas. Targeting the Centre, Raj alleged that nearly 173,984 hectares of forest lands were diverted in the past 11 years for mining and infrastructure projects to benefit the PM’s single favourite Adani Group. He said that these lands amount to 1,730 sqkm, or equivalent to the area of 16 Sanjay Gandhi National Park (SGNP) that is spread over barely 104 sqkm. Dissolve state wildlife board: Aaditya Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray has accused the Maharashtra government for issuing a permit to carry out mining activity in the sensitive tiger corridor between the Tadoba-Andhari and Indravati sanctuaries housing the big striped cats. In a strongly-worded letter to the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) Member-Secretary Sanjay Kumar, Thackeray sought his immediate personal intervention, sacking the Maharashtra State Board for Wild-Life (SBWL), revoking the permit, and probe against the Chief Wildlife Warden & Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF) M. Srinivasa Reddy for the alleged lacunae. Aditya’s two-pager says the permit has been granted for “scientific exploration and excavation/systematic recovery of low-grade iron ore in existing mines in villages Hedri, Bande, Parsalgondi and Round Parsalgondi, in the Etapalli taluka of Gadchiroli district”. Last January, Aditya – MLA from Worli – had first raised the issue saying that the proposed mine would create only 120 jobs, including 32 permanent, and the estimated output is pegged at 1.1 million tons in a year. Referring to two letters of Reddy – on April 28 and May 21 – the SS (UBT) leader claimed that in communications to the state government, the PCCF had changed his stance on the issue. Aditya said that in the first letter, Reddy had effectively opposed the government plans for mining activity but in the second letter, he took a somersault, ostensibly due to government pressures or some commercial interests, “the U-turn is disgraceful and detrimental to India’s national interest” – and this abrupt shift in stance must be investigated thoroughly. In view of the contrary stance of the PCCF Reddy, entrusted with protecting the wildlife but failing to defend the NTCA and NBWL, point to serious malfunctioning of the SBWL, and hence it must be dissolved, besides reviewing all its decisions in the past three years, particularly those pertaining to hazardous activities in sensitive areas, demanded Aditya. 444 tigers roam in 11,000 sq.km As per the Status of Tiger Report (2002), and the Maharashtra Economic Survey 2025-2026, the state boasts of 444 tigers prowling in the wild along with other menacing creatures. The state’s total protected wildlife network of 88 Notified Areas of National Parks, Sanctuaries, and Conservation Reserves - including 6 dedicated to the striped big cats – is spread over 11,092 sq. kms as per current data.

From Shadow to Sovereignty

Samrat Choudhary’s ascent marks the BJP’s long-awaited primacy in Bihar but escaping Nitish Kumar’s towering legacy will define his rule.

Reaching the summit of power in Bihar has never been easy. Staying there, while commanding acceptance across the state’s intricate social mosaic, is harder still. The recent elevation of Samrat Choudhary as Bihar’s 24th Chief Minister marks the beginning of a new political phase, one in which the Bharatiya Janata Party finally assumes the role it has long coveted of being the senior partner in the state’s power structure.


For decades, the BJP played second fiddle in Bihar, notably under the long stewardship of Nitish Kumar. With Kumar’s move to the Rajya Sabha, a political, administrative and symbolic vacuum has opened up. Filling it will test not just Choudhary’s political instincts, but his capacity to redefine leadership in a state accustomed to a singular, stabilising figure.


Determined Rise

Choudhary’s rise is neither sudden nor accidental. It is the culmination of legacy, calculation and persistence. Born in 1968 in Munger, he inherited political capital from his father, Shakuni Choudhary, but did not rely on lineage alone. His early induction into power as one of the youngest ministers in the Rabri Devi government in 1999 had offered a glimpse of his promise. Yet his journey since has been marked by ideological flexibility and strategic repositioning.


His shift to the BJP in 2017 proved decisive. The party, seeking to recalibrate Bihar’s caste arithmetic, identified in him a potent OBC face capable of countering the Rashtriya Janata Dal’s entrenched Muslim-Yadav alliance. As a leader from the Kushwaha community, Choudhary became central to the BJP’s attempt to consolidate non-Yadav OBCs under its fold. His subsequent appointment as the party’s state president signalled trust. His elevation to Chief Minister now signals necessity.


Great Expectations

Yet with elevation comes expectation. Choudhary is only the second leader after Karpoori Thakur to have served as Deputy Chief Minister before ascending to the top post. For nearly two decades, Nitish Kumar had personified Bihar’s governing framework. His tenure reshaped the state’s administrative narrative, emphasising infrastructure, law and order, women’s empowerment and prohibition.


The question confronting Choudhary is stark: will he remain an inheritor of that model, or attempt to recast it?


For now, the answer remains uncertain. Political longevity in Bihar depends not just on authority, but on acceptability. Kumar’s appeal cut across caste and gender lines, drawing support from Mahadalits, Extremely Backward Classes and women - groups that had historically remained politically fragmented. Choudhary begins with strong organisational backing and the imprimatur of the BJP’s central leadership. But governance demands a different temperament. His reputation as an aggressive political operator must now give way to administrative composure.


Every decision he takes will inevitably invite comparison with his predecessor. On issues like prohibition (an emotive and contested policy) ambiguity will not suffice. Nor will rhetorical positioning replace policy clarity. The first hundred days of his tenure will shape perceptions of his intent.


Furthermore, challenges before Choudhary are not merely confined to the opposition benches. Many fault lines persist within the ruling alliance itself. With Kumar’s departure to the Rajya Sabha, questions swirl around the future of the Janata Dal (United) and the potential political role of his son, Nishant Kumar. Unease within the JD(U) is palpable. Managing this delicate equilibrium will require great tact on Choudhary’s part even as he consolidates his own authority.


Within his party, too, ambitions must be managed. Senior BJP leaders who were overlooked for the top post will expect some accommodation. Political transitions often falter not because of external opposition, but internal discord. Choudhary will need to ensure that his leadership does not deepen latent fractures.


The opposition is unlikely to grant Choudhary a grace period. Past controversies, from his early removal as a minister to questions surrounding his academic credentials, are likely to be revived and amplified in Bihar’s unforgiving political theatre.


Durable Edifice

For the BJP, this is a moment of both arrival and risk. Having emerged from Nitish Kumar’s shadow, it must now construct its own durable political edifice in Bihar. Choudhary is both its architect and its test case.


His strengths are evident. His OBC identity positions him well within Bihar’s caste calculus. His proximity to the BJP’s central leadership ensures political backing. But his greatest obstacle remains the enduring aura of Nitish Kumar.


Developmental aspirations in the state coexist uneasily with entrenched caste loyalties. Any attempt to push reform must navigate this dual reality. Choudhary cannot afford to ignore either.


His personal story of ascent from grassroots politics to the state’s highest office fits neatly into the narrative of democratic mobility. But this sympathy (if any) will not help Choudhary govern the restive state.


The larger question is not whether Choudhary can rule Bihar. It is whether he can redefine it. Can he shed the state’s lingering ‘BIMARU’ image and push it toward sustained economic and social transformation? Can he balance continuity with change, retaining the gains of the Nitish era while imprinting his own ideological and administrative vision?


Whatever the future may hold, it is clear that Bihar stands at an inflection point today. While power has come to Samrat Choudhary, authority must still be earned.


(The writer is a senior journalist who has authored a number of books. Views personal.)


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