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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Insurance Against Distant Wars

For a country that still depends on the monsoon, India has grown surprisingly dependent on the Middle East. Not for rain, but for the fuel and fertilizers that keep its farms running. In an era of proliferating conflicts, especially the chronic instability across West Asia as evinced by the Iran conflict, that dependence is proving costly.


The connection between geopolitics and the price of tomatoes in Pune is no longer abstract. When tensions flare in the Gulf, crude prices spike, gas shipments falter and fertilizer markets convulse. India, which imports roughly 85–90 percent of its crude oil and a significant share of its liquefied natural gas, is forced to absorb the shock. The result is higher costs of cultivation, squeezed farm margins and, eventually, more expensive food.


The vulnerability is structural. Fertilizers like urea, diammonium phosphate and potash are either imported outright or produced using imported feedstock. India sources nearly all its potash from abroad and remains heavily reliant on global markets for other nutrients. Add to this the fact that about a fifth of India’s imports pass through the narrow choke-point of the Strait of Hormuz, and the scale of exposure becomes clear.


Recent events have underscored the point. During bouts of heightened tension in 2026, fertilizer prices surged by as much as 50 percent, gas shortages disrupted domestic urea production and fuel costs remained stubbornly volatile. Farmers, already operating on thin margins, felt the pinch immediately. Fertilizers account for as much as 30 percent of cultivation costs in some crops; diesel adds another 10–15 percent. A modest rise in input prices can wipe out profitability altogether. When farmers cut back on usage to cope, their yields suffer.


The policy response, thus far, has been to cushion the blow. Fertilizer subsidies, which now run into nearly Rs. 2 lakh crore annually, are designed to shield farmers from global price swings. Yet subsidies are, at best, a palliative. They entrench the very system that makes agriculture vulnerable.


Reducing Exposure

A more radical approach would be to reduce exposure altogether. This is where natural farming, often dismissed as an ecological indulgence, begins to look like a form of geopolitical insurance.


At its core, natural farming replaces imported, industrial inputs with locally produced alternatives like bio-fertilisers, compost and microbial solutions. It reduces reliance on diesel-intensive practices and, by improving soil health, enhances water retention and resilience. The economic implications are striking. Input costs can fall by 60–80 percent, thus insulating farmers from global price shocks. When fertilizers are no longer purchased on international markets, their volatility ceases to matter.


More importantly, natural farming breaks the transmission mechanism through which geopolitical shocks ripple into domestic food systems. In a conventional model, a disruption in gas supply raises fertilizer prices, which raises cultivation costs, which reduces application, which lowers yields, which pushes up food prices. In a natural-farming system, that chain is severed at the outset. If inputs are local and largely costless, global disruptions lose their bite.


This has macroeconomic consequences. Were even a quarter of India’s cultivated land to shift towards such practices, fertilizer imports could fall sharply, easing pressure on the current account. Subsidy burdens would shrink, freeing up fiscal space. Most importantly, food inflation - a most politically sensitive indicators in the country - would become less hostage to events beyond India’s control.


Sceptics will, rightly, raise concerns about yields. India’s Green Revolution was built on the promise of abundance, and any alternative must demonstrate that it can sustain production. The evidence on natural farming remains uneven, with results varying by crop, region and implementation. Yet this is a question of calibration, not dismissal. Even partial adoption focused on less input-intensive crops or regions could deliver significant risk-reduction benefits without jeopardising output.


Food security in the 20th century was about producing enough grain and distributing it efficiently. In the 21st, it is about ensuring that production systems can withstand shocks, whether climatic or geopolitical. By that standard, India’s current model looks brittle. It delivers high output, but at the cost of high exposure.


Natural farming offers lower input intensity, greater local autonomy and reduced vulnerability to external shocks. It does not eliminate risk - no system can - but it changes its nature. Instead of being buffeted by distant wars and volatile markets, farmers operate within a more stable, locally anchored framework.


In a world where geopolitics increasingly intrudes into the mundane, that stability has value. For India’s farms, natural farming is a hedge against the uncertainties of a turbulent world.


(The writer is a member of Maharashtra Agriculture Price Commission. Views personal.)

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