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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Justice cannot be Weaponised

Recently, the Supreme Court of India issued a stern warning against the increasing trend of converting civil disputes into criminal cases, often to exert pressure or gain an unfair advantage, reaffirming the fundamental principle that the law exists to protect rights and ensure justice to the people and not to be applied as a tool of harassment, intimidation or personal revenge.


The warning echoes an age-old concern in jurisprudence that justice, when used as a weapon rather than a shield, corrodes the very social contract it is meant to uphold. Across democracies, courts have had to remind litigants that law is not an instrument of vengeance but a means to restore order and balance.


Civil disagreements, particularly over money or property, are increasingly being shrouded in criminal allegations. FIRs are frequently lodged for offences such as cheating, even when the underlying matter is purely civil, with police registering complaints without preliminary investigation. Such criminalisation of private disputes transforms negotiation into intimidation, and the police into unwilling participants in private feuds.


While Section 154 of the CrPC, 1973 (Section 173 of BNSS, 2023) and the guidelines issued by the Hon’ble Supreme Court in LALITA KUMARI v. GOVT. OF U.P. AND ORS. [2013] 14 S.C.R. 713 permits FIRs for cognizable offences, police officers wary of accusations of negligence or bias, often register cases first and then leave to the courts to decide about the criminality thus inadvertently creating a parallel ecosystem of criminal proceedings along with the ongoing civil proceedings. Influential complainants exploit this loophole to intimidate or coerce the opposite party, while police officials at the ground level comply to avoid repercussions like disciplinary actions. The practice is prevalent in such a manner that the aggrieved parties have to knock the doors of the apex court for redressal.


In effect, a culture of defensive policing has taken root. Much like in America, where prosecutors sometimes ‘overcharge’ defendants to secure plea bargains, Indian police often ‘over-register’ complaints to pre-empt allegations of dereliction. The outcome is a flood of FIRs, many of dubious merit, that clog the judicial pipeline. The targets of such complaints, meanwhile must wage prolonged legal battles simply to have their names cleared. Justice delayed in such circumstances becomes justice denied.


The Hon’ble Supreme Court has time and again intervened in such matters that burdens the Court but are actually avoidable litigations by quashing FIRs and directing that the Hon’ble High Courts under Article 226 and Section 482 CrPC, 1973 (Section 528, BNSS 2023) can quash criminal proceedings when civil remedies are already being pursued, criminal proceedings cannot be utilized for arm twisting and substitute civil litigation. Misusing the criminal justice system to settle personal scores undermines its very fundamentals and threatens the very balance of separation of civil and criminal law.


The Supreme Court’s repeated admonitions reveal another uncomfortable truth which is that too many lower courts and police officials are complicit in sustaining this misuse. Despite judicial guidelines, the machinery of justice often bends to social power, money or political pressure. When the criminal process becomes a bargaining chip, the line between the complainant and the persecutor blurs.


The SC’s warning serves as a timely reminder that criminal law should address genuine wrongdoing, not serve as a guillotine to extract settlements or expedite proceedings quickly. Upholding this distinction is crucial to preserving the integrity of the legal system and protecting citizens from misuse of the law.


Historically, democracies have faltered when the coercive power of the state through its police, prosecutors or courts, has been hijacked for private ends. As the great 18th century judge-political philosopher Montesquieu warned in his classic treatise ‘The Spirit of Law’ (De l’esprit des lois), “there is no greater tyranny than that which is perpetrated under the shield of law and in the name of justice.” India, a democracy governed by an intricate web of statutory and constitutional safeguards, must take that warning seriously.


The challenge before us is not merely procedural but philosophical. When civil disputes are criminalised, the spirit of compromise, which is the lifeblood of civil law, dies.


The Supreme Court’s intervention therefore reasserts the moral hierarchy of the law. In reaffirming the boundaries between civil and criminal law, India’s judiciary is in effect defending the very architecture of its democracy. Justice must serve as a balm, not a bludgeon. The rule of law cannot endure if it becomes a means to personal ends.


(The writer is an advocate practicing before the Supreme Court of India. Views personal.)

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