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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

High-stakes chess beneath the surface

BJP Candidates coming out after filing their nomination for the upcoming Legislative Council Polls from Vidhan Bhavan in Mumbai on Thursday. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Typically, when a ruling coalition enjoys a formidable and comfortable majority, elections to the Rajya Sabha and the State Legislative Council are quiet, predictable affairs. They are often viewed as mere formalities, rarely capturing the public imagination or dominating front-page headlines. Historically, these indirect...

High-stakes chess beneath the surface

BJP Candidates coming out after filing their nomination for the upcoming Legislative Council Polls from Vidhan Bhavan in Mumbai on Thursday. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Typically, when a ruling coalition enjoys a formidable and comfortable majority, elections to the Rajya Sabha and the State Legislative Council are quiet, predictable affairs. They are often viewed as mere formalities, rarely capturing the public imagination or dominating front-page headlines. Historically, these indirect elections only become newsworthy under specific conditions: either the ruling coalition is plagued by internal fissures, or the opposition is too fragmented to put up a united front. In Maharashtra, however, the political landscape remains highly volatile. Recently, the Rajya Sabha elections became the center of intense media scrutiny, and over the past week, the Legislative Council polls followed suit. Although all ten candidates—nine from the ruling alliance and one from the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—are now set to be elected unopposed, the intricate backroom maneuvers that led to this truce kept the state’s political circles buzzing. Interestingly, the reason for this heightened news value can be traced to both a subtle tug-of-war within the ruling combine and a visibly weakened opposition. Shifting Strategy The maneuvering within the opposition ranks has been particularly telling. A major focal point of the election buildup was the anticipated candidacy of Shiv Sena (UBT) Chief Uddhav Thackeray. After generating considerable hype and speculation about a potential return to the legislature, Thackeray ultimately chose to withdraw from the electoral fray. This sudden pullback forced a rapid recalibration within the MVA. Initially, the Congress party had adopted an aggressive posture, declaring its intention to field a candidate if Thackeray decided against contesting. However, following closed-door deliberations with Shiv Sena (UBT) leadership, the Congress quietly backed down. Why the state Congress leadership so readily acquiesced to this sudden change in strategy, sacrificing a potential seat, remains a mystery and a subject of intense debate among political observers. On the other side of the aisle, the ruling Mahayuti coalition maximized this electoral opportunity to consolidate its political base, reward loyalists, and balance complex regional equations. The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) strategically paved the way for the political rehabilitation of former Congress legislator Zishan Siddique by nominating him to the Legislative Council. This calculated move introduces a prominent new Muslim face for the party, likely intended to fill the leadership vacuum in Mumbai left by veteran leader Nawab Malik. Meanwhile, Chief Minister Eknath Shinde used his nominations to send a definitive message about the premium he places on loyalty. By securing another term for Dr. Neelam Gorhe, Shinde demonstrated that those who stood by his faction would be adequately rewarded. Furthermore, by bringing Vidarbha strongman Bachchu Kadu into the fold, Shinde has attempted to anchor his party’s future and expand its footprint in a region predominantly controlled by his senior alliance partner, the BJP. The Bharatiya Janata Party, playing its characteristic long game, meticulously ensured that its list of six candidates struck the perfect organizational, social, and political balance. Battle for LOP Despite these broader alliance strategies, the most consequential nomination in this electoral cycle is arguably that of Ambadas Danve. Barely six months after completing his tenure in the Upper House and stepping down from the prestigious post of Leader of the Opposition in the Legislative Council, Danve has been nominated once again by the Shiv Sena (UBT). With his return to the house, there is a strong possibility that he will reclaim his former post. This specific development highlights a much deeper crisis within the Congress. Following Danve’s brief retirement, the Congress had naturally emerged as the largest opposition party in the Upper House. This mathematical advantage theoretically paved the way for their Kolhapur strongman, Satej “Banti” Patil, to lay claim to the Leader of the Opposition’s chair. However, the sudden defection of Congress MLC Pradnya Satav, who switched loyalties to the BJP, severely dented the party’s numbers. Her departure brought the Congress’s strength in the house just below that of the Shiv Sena (UBT). Stripped of its numerical superiority overnight, the Congress was relegated to being a mute spectator, unable to assert its rightful claim. Internal Dissent This series of tactical defeats has triggered palpable frustration within the Congress’s state unit. One senior Congress leader, speaking on the condition of anonymity, expressed deep disappointment with the state leadership’s inability to protect the party’s interests. “Everyone has personal political ambitions, but leaders must learn the ways to collectively move ahead and strategize,” the leader remarked, attributing the party’s current stagnation in Maharashtra to this lack of cohesive vision. In short, these Legislative Council elections have delivered one message loud and clear: even when everything appears calm and stable on the surface, the relentless machinery of politics continues to churn behind the scenes. No political player in Maharashtra can afford to rest assured or sit idle under the illusion that there are no major state elections until 2029.

Justice cannot be Weaponised

Recently, the Supreme Court of India issued a stern warning against the increasing trend of converting civil disputes into criminal cases, often to exert pressure or gain an unfair advantage, reaffirming the fundamental principle that the law exists to protect rights and ensure justice to the people and not to be applied as a tool of harassment, intimidation or personal revenge.


The warning echoes an age-old concern in jurisprudence that justice, when used as a weapon rather than a shield, corrodes the very social contract it is meant to uphold. Across democracies, courts have had to remind litigants that law is not an instrument of vengeance but a means to restore order and balance.


Civil disagreements, particularly over money or property, are increasingly being shrouded in criminal allegations. FIRs are frequently lodged for offences such as cheating, even when the underlying matter is purely civil, with police registering complaints without preliminary investigation. Such criminalisation of private disputes transforms negotiation into intimidation, and the police into unwilling participants in private feuds.


While Section 154 of the CrPC, 1973 (Section 173 of BNSS, 2023) and the guidelines issued by the Hon’ble Supreme Court in LALITA KUMARI v. GOVT. OF U.P. AND ORS. [2013] 14 S.C.R. 713 permits FIRs for cognizable offences, police officers wary of accusations of negligence or bias, often register cases first and then leave to the courts to decide about the criminality thus inadvertently creating a parallel ecosystem of criminal proceedings along with the ongoing civil proceedings. Influential complainants exploit this loophole to intimidate or coerce the opposite party, while police officials at the ground level comply to avoid repercussions like disciplinary actions. The practice is prevalent in such a manner that the aggrieved parties have to knock the doors of the apex court for redressal.


In effect, a culture of defensive policing has taken root. Much like in America, where prosecutors sometimes ‘overcharge’ defendants to secure plea bargains, Indian police often ‘over-register’ complaints to pre-empt allegations of dereliction. The outcome is a flood of FIRs, many of dubious merit, that clog the judicial pipeline. The targets of such complaints, meanwhile must wage prolonged legal battles simply to have their names cleared. Justice delayed in such circumstances becomes justice denied.


The Hon’ble Supreme Court has time and again intervened in such matters that burdens the Court but are actually avoidable litigations by quashing FIRs and directing that the Hon’ble High Courts under Article 226 and Section 482 CrPC, 1973 (Section 528, BNSS 2023) can quash criminal proceedings when civil remedies are already being pursued, criminal proceedings cannot be utilized for arm twisting and substitute civil litigation. Misusing the criminal justice system to settle personal scores undermines its very fundamentals and threatens the very balance of separation of civil and criminal law.


The Supreme Court’s repeated admonitions reveal another uncomfortable truth which is that too many lower courts and police officials are complicit in sustaining this misuse. Despite judicial guidelines, the machinery of justice often bends to social power, money or political pressure. When the criminal process becomes a bargaining chip, the line between the complainant and the persecutor blurs.


The SC’s warning serves as a timely reminder that criminal law should address genuine wrongdoing, not serve as a guillotine to extract settlements or expedite proceedings quickly. Upholding this distinction is crucial to preserving the integrity of the legal system and protecting citizens from misuse of the law.


Historically, democracies have faltered when the coercive power of the state through its police, prosecutors or courts, has been hijacked for private ends. As the great 18th century judge-political philosopher Montesquieu warned in his classic treatise ‘The Spirit of Law’ (De l’esprit des lois), “there is no greater tyranny than that which is perpetrated under the shield of law and in the name of justice.” India, a democracy governed by an intricate web of statutory and constitutional safeguards, must take that warning seriously.


The challenge before us is not merely procedural but philosophical. When civil disputes are criminalised, the spirit of compromise, which is the lifeblood of civil law, dies.


The Supreme Court’s intervention therefore reasserts the moral hierarchy of the law. In reaffirming the boundaries between civil and criminal law, India’s judiciary is in effect defending the very architecture of its democracy. Justice must serve as a balm, not a bludgeon. The rule of law cannot endure if it becomes a means to personal ends.


(The writer is an advocate practicing before the Supreme Court of India. Views personal.)

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