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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Maharashtra at 65: A State of Aspiration and Uneven Achievement

The challenge before India’s richest state is to match its economic might with equity, resilience and inclusive renewal.

Few Indian states inspire both awe and ambivalence quite like Maharashtra. Sixty-five years after its birth out of a fierce linguistic movement, it remains the country’s undisputed economic engine, contributing nearly 14 percent to the national GDP and housing India’s financial nerve centre of Mumbai. Yet, this milestone is also a moment to reflect on the lopsided trajectory of growth, enduring agrarian distress and the political fluidity that both empowers and destabilises the state.


Maharashtra’s creation in 1960, carved out of the multilingual Bombay State, was no mere administrative exercise but the culmination of the Samyukta Maharashtra Movement - a democratic struggle steeped in sacrifice where over 100 protestors lost their lives to assert their right to linguistic and cultural self-determination. Mumbai, the jewel of this struggle, became the capital - a symbol of Marathi pride as much as economic opportunity. The movement’s deeper legacy, however, lies in its assertion of identity and regional dignity, traits that continue to define the Marathi psyche.


The state’s economic profile is formidable. In 2024–25, Maharashtra’s Gross State Domestic Product is projected at Rs. 45.31 lakh crore, growing at 7.3 percent and outpacing the national average. Its cities are engines of innovation. Mumbai is home to the Reserve Bank of India, SEBI and the Bombay Stock Exchange; Pune has emerged as a global hub for IT, auto manufacturing and education. The SamruddhiMahamarg and Mumbai Trans Harbour Link exemplify its infrastructural ambition.


But beyond the bustle of Mumbai and the gleaming towers of Pune lies a state marked by geographic disparity. While western Maharashtra reaps the fruits of industrialisation, regions like Vidarbha and Marathwada lag woefully behind. Back in 1983, the Dandekar Committee had flagged the danger of widening regional imbalances. Four decades on, those warnings have become reality. Chronic underinvestment, poor road and irrigation connectivity, and water scarcity have left swathes of the state in perpetual precarity. The government’s response in form of rural connectivity programmes and marquee projects may generate headlines, but they are no panacea. What is needed is focused, decentralised planning, tailored industrial incentives, and above all, political will.


This unevenness is most stark in the agricultural sector. Over half the state’s population depends on farming, yet it is here that Maharashtra’s crisis is most acute. The spectre of farmer suicides continues to haunt the hinterland. In 2024, 2,635 farmers, mostly in Marathwada and Amravati, ended their lives. In early 2025, suicides in Marathwada rose 32 percent year-on-year. The causes are depressingly familiar: erratic monsoons, mounting debt, lack of irrigation and hostile markets. Successive governments have resorted to loan waivers, crop insurance and compensation but the real answers lie in water management reform, crop diversification, soil regeneration and a robust farm-to-market infrastructure. Until those are pursued with urgency, Maharashtra’s rural heart will continue to bleed.


Meanwhile, the state’s political terrain has undergone a dramatic realignment. Once dominated by towering figures such as Yashwantrao Chavan, Sharad Pawar and Balasaheb Thackeray, Maharashtra’s politics is now a fractured mosaic. The Shiv Sena and Nationalist Congress Party have splintered, party ideologies have blurred and opportunistic alliances have become the norm. The BJP, buoyed by its national machinery, has entrenched itself, upending older equations. While the state’s democratic ethos remains intact, the absence of a coherent political direction undermines long-term policy consistency.


Yet, Maharashtra continues to produce political talent of national consequence. Chavan helped shape both state and Union governance. Pawar’s political longevity is legendary. Devendra Fadnavis brought youthful technocracy to the Chief Minister’s Office. But the most compelling figure remains Balasaheb Thackeray, who, despite never holding office, exercised power through rhetoric, ideology and mass appeal. His brand of informal authority redefined the art of influence in Indian politics.


For Maharashtra’s youth who now constitute a decisive electoral bloc, the legacy of these leaders is both inspirational and instructive. Today’s 20-25-year-olds have come of age in a state that is economically vibrant but politically turbulent, digitally connected but environmentally vulnerable. For them, Maharashtra Day cannot merely be a holiday - it must be a call to action. Whether through entrepreneurship in Pune, sustainable farming in Vidarbha or civic engagement in Aurangabad, the onus is on them to shape the state’s next chapter.


Three imperatives stand out.

First, regional equity. Maharashtra must shed its metro-centric bias. Development must extend to its neglected districts through better public services, transport, and private investment.


Second, agrarian renewal. A shift from short-term relief to long-term structural reform is overdue. The state needs a second green revolution—this time tailored to smallholders, climate realities, and market volatility.


Third, political renewal. The state needs more than electoral strategy; it needs institutional strength, transparent governance, and youth-driven democratic participation.


At 65, Maharashtra is no longer young. But it is still restless. It has climbed skyscrapers and fallen into droughts. It has produced billionaires and buried farmers. It has enthralled Bollywood and confounded bureaucrats. In that messiness lies its authenticity.


The challenge now is to convert potential into promise for every district, not just the privileged few.


(The author is a political observer. Views personal.)

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