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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 9:59:04 pm

Fatal Negligence

Newborns dying in a fire inside a government hospital is a devastating indictment of a system that is supposed to protect its most vulnerable patients. The Amravati District Women’s Hospital tragedy, where a blaze killed three infants, joins a long list of preventable institutional failures. Thirty-nine babies were inside the three-compartment facility when the fire erupted after a ventilator in the neonatal unit caught fire. Thirty-six were eventually rescued. Parents and eyewitnesses have...

Fatal Negligence

Newborns dying in a fire inside a government hospital is a devastating indictment of a system that is supposed to protect its most vulnerable patients. The Amravati District Women’s Hospital tragedy, where a blaze killed three infants, joins a long list of preventable institutional failures. Thirty-nine babies were inside the three-compartment facility when the fire erupted after a ventilator in the neonatal unit caught fire. Thirty-six were eventually rescued. Parents and eyewitnesses have alleged that the fire alarms did not sound and the automatic sprinklers failed to activate even as the district administration has said the hospital underwent regular fire audits and had applied for this year’s audit. An audit is meaningful only if it establishes that equipment works when lives depend on it. Maharashtra has already witnessed the deadly consequences of fire-safety failures in public hospitals. In 2021, eleven Covid-19 patients died in a fire at the Ahmednagar district hospital even though a fire audit conducted months earlier had recommended a firefighting system. The Amravati tragedy demands more than the familiar ritual of a high-level inquiry, compensation and promises of “strictest action”. The announcement of ex gratia payments cannot compensate parents who have lost a child they had barely begun to know. The investigation must establish not merely what ignited the fire, but why it was allowed to become fatal. Was the ventilator properly maintained? Were electrical and medical devices routinely inspected? Did alarms function? Were sprinklers operational? Was the NICU appropriately located and equipped for evacuation? Were staff trained and drills conducted? And most importantly, who was responsible for ensuring that every safeguard worked? There is another troubling detail: the neonatal unit was reportedly housed on the third floor, rather than at ground level, and questions have arisen over whether the unit was part of the building’s original plan. The state has built an elaborate architecture of laws and child-protection standards which seldom matches the situation on ground. Whether in government hospitals, schools or anganwadis, safety has become a box to be ticked rather than a responsibility to be lived. The most vulnerable children are consequently left dependent not on systems, but on the vigilance and heroism of individual staff members. That is an appalling way to run the childcare infrastructure of one India’s most developed states. A NICU is perhaps the worst possible place for institutional complacency: its patients are immobile, medically dependent and extraordinarily vulnerable to smoke, heat and even brief disruption of life-support equipment. The government must ensure that the Amravati deaths do not become another entry in the grim ledger of hospital tragedies followed by inquiries, outrage and forgetting. The real test will be whether the state can prevent the next newborn from dying in a hospital that was supposed to save him.

New face of Bihar’s Luv-Kush politics after Nitish

New Delhi: For nearly two decades, the Luv-Kush political equation has remained one of the most influential social and electoral formations in Bihar. The alliance between the Kurmi and Koeri (Kushwaha) communities was transformed into a formidable political force largely under the leadership of former Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. However, as Nitish Kumar gradually steps back from active state politics and increasingly assumes a role in the Rajya Sabha, a crucial question is beginning to dominate Bihar’s political discourse that who will inherit the leadership of the Luv-Kush political bloc?


In the current political landscape, Rajya Sabha MP and National President of the Rashtriya Lok Morcha (RLM), Upendra Kushwaha, appears to be one of the strongest contenders to fill that space.


Some leaders within the Janata Dal (United) have been making efforts to establish Nitish Kumar’s son, Nishant Kumar, as a political figure. However, Nishant has so far focused more on Bihar’s overall development, social engagement, and the state’s future challenges rather than caste-based politics. He has been touring districts and interacting with people on the vision of a “Developed Bihar.”


In contrast, Upendra Kushwaha’s political career has been deeply rooted in electoral politics, social representation, and issues concerning backward communities. This has helped him build an image as an experienced grassroots leader with a long-standing political presence.


Caste equations continue to play a significant role in Bihar’s electoral politics. In this context, Kushwaha’s strong influence within the Kushwaha community provides him with a considerable political advantage. Although Bihar Deputy Chief Minister Samrat Choudhary also belongs to the Koeri community and enjoys substantial support among its members, political observers believe that Upendra Kushwaha’s appeal extends beyond a single caste group. Analysts point out that he has long been associated with the broader Luv-Kush political alliance and possesses the potential to emerge as a wider representative of both communities.


Recent developments within the RLM have further strengthened this perception. The party’s national convention, held at the Constitution Club in New Delhi, offered important indications about Kushwaha’s future political direction. The resolutions passed and issues raised during the convention suggested that he has already outlined a roadmap for the next ten years.


Political Agenda

Rather than limiting himself to caste representation, Kushwaha has expanded his political agenda to include Bihar’s development, judicial reforms, delimitation, social justice, and agriculture-based industrial growth.

During the convention, the party acknowledged the development achieved in Bihar over the past two decades under Nitish Kumar’s leadership. Improvements in roads, electricity, transportation, and drinking water infrastructure were highlighted as significant milestones in the state’s progress.


At the same time, the party emphasized that Bihar still has a long way to go before it can compete with the country’s leading states. Particular attention was drawn to the need for stronger investment in education, healthcare, industry, and employment generation. The convention stressed that creating large-scale job opportunities within the state is essential to reducing the migration of young people in search of work.


Judicial reform has also emerged as one of Upendra Kushwaha’s key political priorities. The RLM has questioned the existing collegium system for judicial appointments and called for greater transparency in the selection of judges. The party advocates the creation of an Indian Judicial Service (IJS), with appointments made through a nationwide competitive examination similar to the system followed by the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC). Through its “Halla Bol, Darwaza Khol” campaign, Kushwaha has been attempting to elevate this issue into a subject of national debate.


The party has also linked the proposed 2026 delimitation exercise to Bihar’s political rights and representation. According to the RLM, Bihar has not received parliamentary representation proportionate to its population. Party leaders argue that had the freeze on delimitation not remained in place for decades, Bihar could have gained nearly 20 additional Lok Sabha seats. Consequently, the party is demanding that the upcoming delimitation exercise be conducted on the basis of actual population figures to ensure fair representation


On cultural and social issues, the party has sought to carve out a distinct identity. Proposals such as renaming Patna as Pataliputra, declaring the birth anniversary of Savitribai Phule as National Women’s Education Day, and promoting a renewed discourse on social justice are being viewed as part of this broader political strategy.


Economically, Kushwaha has strongly advocated agriculture-based industrialization as the foundation of Bihar’s future growth. He has argued for the expansion of industries linked to maize, sugarcane, litchi, makhana, dairy, and fisheries, describing them as effective tools for generating employment and curbing migration. According to him, Bihar cannot achieve sustained economic momentum unless agriculture is integrated more closely with industrial development.


Overall, Bihar’s politics appears to be entering a period of transition. As Nitish Kumar’s active role gradually diminishes, political stakeholders are searching for a new center of leadership within the influential Luv-Kush social alliance. In this evolving landscape, Upendra Kushwaha is positioning himself as a natural claimant to that space, leveraging his caste base, political experience, and engagement with broader governance issues.


Whether he ultimately succeeds in becoming the new axis of Bihar’s Luv-Kush politics or whether the state produces an entirely new political equation remains one of the most intriguing questions for the years ahead.

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