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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Red Alert

Updated: Jan 8, 2025

The Maoist attack in Bijapur should ring warning bells for Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis to remain vigilant. While his administration has made commendable strides in curbing Maoist influence in the State, the insurgency’s resilience remains a stark reminder of the challenges ahead. The IED blast that claimed the lives of eight District Reserve Guard (DRG) personnel and a driver in Chhattisgarh underscores the enduring threat posed by Naxalism, even as Maharashtra celebrates successes in counter-insurgency operations in districts like Gadchiroli.


Fadnavis’s tenure has seen notable victories against Maoism. He has coupled his counter-insurgency efforts with ambitious developmental projects. Initiatives like bus services in Gadchiroli’s remote areas, launched for the first time since independence, and investments worth Rs. 6,200 crores in infrastructure, healthcare and education aim to transform the region. These efforts are designed to tackle the root causes of Maoism—economic deprivation, systemic neglect, and alienation. By addressing these structural issues, Fadnavis hopes to erode the Maoists’ base of support among the tribal communities.


Yet, the Bijapur attack serves as a grim reminder that Maoism cannot be defeated by development and counter-insurgency alone. The insurgents’ ability to regroup and strike with such precision shows they are far from a spent force. Chhattisgarh’s experience, despite years of robust operations, illustrates the insurgency’s adaptability and the dangers of underestimating its reach.


For Maharashtra, there are lessons to be learned. While the northern parts of Gadchiroli may have been declared “free of Maoist activity,” the district’s proximity to Chhattisgarh and Telangana creates vulnerabilities. Insurgents can exploit these porous borders to regroup or launch attacks. Maharashtra cannot afford to let its guard down.


A coordinated inter-state strategy is essential. The Maoist insurgency transcends state boundaries, operating as a networked force with a fluid presence. Governance must also remain a priority. Developmental projects, while crucial, need to be paired with sustained local engagement. Tribal communities must feel that the state’s presence is consistent and reliable, not episodic or opportunistic.


The Centre’s approach, combining development with counter-insurgency, has yielded results, but success will require relentless effort. Rehabilitation schemes like the one extended to Gadchiroli’s surrendered Maoists are vital, yet they must be supported by continuous monitoring and effective reintegration programs.


Self-congratulatory rhetoric and premature declarations of victory risk emboldening insurgents. The path to a ‘Steel City’ in Gadchiroli where constitutional governance reigns supreme requires more than vision—it demands relentless vigilance, inter-state coordination, and the unwavering trust of local communities. Maoism is a hydra-headed menace that demands patience, perseverance, and precision. Maharashtra must brace itself for a long and gruelling battle, where vigilance, not hubris, will determine the outcome. In this protracted battle, Maharashtra must heed Bijapur’s warning that complacency is as dangerous as the insurgency itself.

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