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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Fadnavis writes off Rs 48,000 crore

Mumbai: In a clear indication that the Maharashtra government is leaving no stone unturned to keep the state’s agrarian base happy, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has unleashed yet another massive populist measure. Hot on the heels of relaxing the eligibility criteria to ensure a blanket farm loan waiver, the Chief Minister announced a sweeping Rs 48,000 crore waiver on the pending electricity bills of farmers across the state. Addressing a ‘Krutadnyata Sohala’ (gratitude ceremony)...

Fadnavis writes off Rs 48,000 crore

Mumbai: In a clear indication that the Maharashtra government is leaving no stone unturned to keep the state’s agrarian base happy, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has unleashed yet another massive populist measure. Hot on the heels of relaxing the eligibility criteria to ensure a blanket farm loan waiver, the Chief Minister announced a sweeping Rs 48,000 crore waiver on the pending electricity bills of farmers across the state. Addressing a ‘Krutadnyata Sohala’ (gratitude ceremony) organized by the BJP Kisan Morcha at Mumbai’s Yashwantrao Chavan Pratishthan on Wednesday, Fadnavis declared that farmers using agricultural pumps of up to 7.5 horsepower will see their historical electricity dues completely wiped out. The announcement was met with the traditional sounding of the Tutari and thunderous applause from hundreds of farmers who had gathered from every corner of the state. The Chief Minister framed the mega-sop as a necessary step to “wipe the farmers’ slate clean,” enabling them to write a new chapter of prosperity. Calculated Pitch The timing and scale of the announcement underscore a government that is boldly embracing populist economics to solidify its political footprint in rural Maharashtra. While Fadnavis maintained that these decisions were taken purely in the interest of the farmers—pointing out that the original loan waiver was announced when no elections were in sight—the political undertones were unmistakable. Taking a sharp dig at the opposition, the Chief Minister accused rival parties of running “political shops” in the name of farmer agitations without understanding the government’s genuine intent. Asserting his grassroots connection, Fadnavis proudly claimed, “I do not make decisions sitting in my house. I am a farmer myself, a man of the soil.” He openly defended the government’s recent move to strip away the stringent conditions attached to the blanket farm loan waiver, signaling that his administration will not hesitate to clear bureaucratic hurdles if it means putting money directly into the hands of the rural voter. Balancing Sops Even as he rained freebies, the Chief Minister attempted to balance the populist optics with a dose of economic pragmatism. He acknowledged that handing out repeated loan waivers is a symptom of deep-rooted agrarian distress, not a permanent cure. Pointing to the Rs 95,000 crore in aid currently being pumped into the agricultural sector by the state and central governments, Fadnavis outlined his administration’s shift toward an investment-driven agricultural model. He championed the success of schemes like ‘Jalyukt Shivar’ and ‘Magel Tyala Shettale’ (farm ponds on demand), claiming these initiatives have already empowered farmers to harvest multiple crops a year. Addressing the core issue of farming costs, he noted that the government already subsidises power to the tune of Rs 25,000 crore annually. By coupling this with a push for solar pumps and solar agricultural feeders, he promised that 100 percent of the state’s farmers would receive uninterrupted daytime electricity by the end of the year. Infra Dream Looking beyond immediate financial relief, the Chief Minister laid out a grandiose vision to permanently drought-proof Maharashtra’s most vulnerable regions. A staggering Rs 6 lakh crore infrastructure pipeline is being planned to ensure the next generation never witnesses a drought. Fadnavis detailed ambitious river-linking projects, including the Wainganga-Nalganga link, to divert excess floodwaters to parched regions. The state plans to construct 24 new dams and raise the height of 16 existing ones to ensure not a single district in Vidarbha faces water scarcity. Furthermore, massive engineering feats are on the drawing board to divert 200 TMC of floodwater from Western Maharashtra to Marathwada, and lift 275 TMC of wasted water from the Ulhas basin to quench the thirst of North Maharashtra and Marathwada. By marrying immediate, massive debt relief with long-term infrastructure promises, the Fadnavis administration is aggressively cementing its pro-farmer narrative. As the Yashwantrao Chavan auditorium echoed with whistles and cheers, it became highly evident that the government’s strategy of pairing mega populist waivers with big-ticket rural dreams is striking a powerful chord with the state’s agrarian voters.

The Desert Dissenter

MBZ’s break with OPEC signals a louder shift in oil geopolitics

For a man who prefers deeds to words, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, President of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), has once again made news by saying very little. On April 28, the UAE, in a shock move, announced that it would withdraw from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and its broader alliance, OPEC+, ending nearly six decades of membership. Against the backdrop of a world convulsed by the United States’ and Israel’s war on Iran, the terse announcement starkly captured the ever-changing dynamics of global energy, and of MBZ’s own ambitions.


To grasp the magnitude of the UAE’s exit, one must return to OPEC’s origins. Founded in 1960 in Baghdad by oil producers determined to wrest control from Western majors (the so-called ‘Seven Sisters’), the cartel had sought to stabilise prices and assert sovereignty over natural resources. For decades it had succeeded, most dramatically during the oil shocks of the 1970s. Yet its coherence has long been under strain. Members from Indonesia to Qatar have exited, chafing at quotas and divergent national interests.


The UAE’s departure, however, is of a different order. With a production capacity approaching 4.8 million barrels per day and ambitions to exceed 5 million by the decade’s end, Abu Dhabi is not a marginal player but a central pillar. Remaining within the cartel, in Emirati eyes, has meant accepting a structural discount on its own capacity.


The recent Iran conflict has sent tremors through energy markets, particularly around the Strait of Hormuz, through which a fifth of global oil flows. By exiting now, the UAE positions itself to capture the upside of the energy shock, unencumbered by collective restraint that other members may exercise.


But the move has equally to do with the UAE’s rivalry with Saudi Arabia, shaped by the personal friction between MBZ and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, knowns as MBS. For much of the past decade, MBZ was seen as a guiding figure for the younger Mohammed bin Salman, particularly in matters of security and statecraft. Both men shared a distrust of political Islam, a willingness to centralise power and an appetite for economic transformation. But as MBS consolidated authority in Saudi Arabia, he entered into a contest with MBZ for primacy in the Gulf.


The rivalry now plays out across multiple theatres. Economically, Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030 seeks to lure capital and talent away from Dubai, challenging the UAE’s status as the region’s commercial hub. Riyadh has tightened rules requiring multinational firms to base regional headquarters in the kingdom in an implicit bid to undercut Emirati advantage.


In energy policy, the divergence is starker still. Saudi Arabia has favoured tighter supply management to sustain prices, leveraging its role as OPEC’s de facto leader. The UAE, by contrast, has chafed at quotas that limit its expanding capacity. Disputes over baseline production levels have periodically flared into public disagreement. By exiting OPEC, Abu Dhabi is effectively rejecting Riyadh’s stewardship of the oil order.


Geopolitics has added further friction. While both states initially aligned in conflicts such as Yemen, their approaches have since diverged. The UAE has pursued a more nimble, networked strategy by cultivating ties with Israel through the Abraham Accords, deepening links with Asian powers and hedging its bets in an increasingly multipolar region. Saudi Arabia, under MBS, has sought to assert itself as the indispensable Arab power.


Since consolidating power, MBZ has recast the UAE from a cautious petrostate into an assertive middle power. Investments across Africa, partnerships in Asia and deepening ties with the United States have all served his aim of strategic autonomy. 


Equally important is the transformation of the Emirati economic model. The UAE is now building a diversified energy portfolio spanning gas, petrochemicals, hydrogen and logistics. Exiting the cartel allows the UAE to optimise across sectors, rather than fix policy around a single commodity.


For MBZ, the move to exit the cartel is a calculated gamble. While greater autonomy brings greater exposure to market swings, it also brings the freedom to exploit them. It enhances the UAE’s appeal as a flexible supplier and a strategic partner, particularly for countries seeking reliability amid turbulence. And it cements his reputation as a leader willing to redraw the rules rather than play by them.

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