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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

The Productivity Paradox

Until agricultural productivity is prioritized, Maharashtra will remain trapped in a paradox of plenty without prosperity.

Agriculture in India is often discussed as a story of prices and protests. Far less attention is paid to the quieter but more decisive force shaping farm incomes that is productivity. Yields determine not just how much farmers earn, but how competitive states are, how resilient agriculture becomes to climate stress, and how credible promises of ‘doubling incomes’ really are. By that yardstick, Maharashtra presents a revealing paradox – a state strong in acreage and ambition, but uneven in outcomes.


A comparison of recent triennial averages (2021–22 to 2023–24) with national benchmarks and top-performing states shows that Maharashtra’s agricultural performance is neither uniformly weak nor reliably strong. It reflects a pattern familiar in Indian farming: islands of success surrounded by large seas of underperformance.


Mixed Scorecard

Start with the national picture. Average yields stand at roughly 2.9 tonnes per hectare for cereals, 0.9 tonnes for pulses, 1.3 tonnes for oilseeds, 436 kg for cotton, and 82 tonnes per hectare for sugarcane. Against these benchmarks, Maharashtra delivers a mixed scorecard. Pulses slightly outperform the national mean; sugarcane does better than average. Cereals, cotton and oilseeds, however, fall noticeably short.


Cotton best illustrates the problem. Maharashtra cultivates more cotton than any other Indian state, yet harvests far less from each hectare. Its yield, around 338 kg per hectare, is nearly a quarter below the national average and dramatically lower than that of Gujarat, which achieves over 600 kg. The gap is not one of climate or soil alone. Gujarat’s success reflects intensive irrigation, consistent hybrid adoption and disciplined pest management. Maharashtra’s cotton, by contrast, remains heavily rainfed, vulnerable to pest cycles and marked by uneven seed performance.


Soybean tells a different story. Here Maharashtra has carved out a genuine comparative advantage. Yields exceed the national average by more than 17 percent. Yet even this success is relative. Andhra Pradesh extracts nearly 500 kg more per hectare. The difference points to familiar culprits – namely, irrigation access, seed quality, nutrient management and mechanisation. For a crop vital to edible oils and animal feed, the untapped upside is substantial.


Pulses sit awkwardly in the middle. Overall yields are marginally above the national average, but Maharashtra lags well behind leaders such as Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. In tur (arhar), the state hovers near national parity but remains far from Gujarat’s frontier productivity. Given Maharashtra’s large area under pulses, even modest improvements in seed replacement, moisture conservation and pest control would lift output meaningfully.


Weak Links

The starkest underperformance lies in millets. Once hardy staples of dryland India, they now expose Maharashtra’s weakest links. Yields are nearly 30 percent below the national average and barely a third of those in Telangana. This yawning gap reflects differences in input use, agronomy and possibly irrigation support. As policymakers rediscover millets for nutrition and climate resilience, Maharashtra risks missing both economic and social gains.


Oilseeds occupy a narrower but still worrying gap. Yields are only slightly below the national average, yet trail far behind Tamil Nadu, where productivity is almost twice as high. For a country desperate to reduce edible-oil imports, this underperformance in a large agricultural state carries strategic costs.


Cereals complete the picture. Maharashtra’s yields are far below those of Punjab and Haryana, where irrigation coverage, input intensity and extension services are far superior. The result is a persistent productivity deficit in crops central to food security.


Only sugarcane breaks the pattern. With yields above the national average, the crop demonstrates what Maharashtra can achieve when irrigation infrastructure, cooperative institutions and extension systems align. States such as Tamil Nadu and Telangana still do better, but Maharashtra’s performance shows that productivity is an institutional outcome.


Three structural lessons stand out. First, irrigation matters most. Where water is assured, yields rise; where farming depends on the monsoon, gaps widen. Second, technology adoption is uneven. Large differentials with leading states signal missed opportunities in seeds, fertilisation, mechanisation and pest management. Third, productivity is income policy by other means. Closing even a fifth of existing yield gaps in cotton, millets and oilseeds would translate into substantial gains for farmers.


The remedy is neither generic subsidies nor grand slogans. What Maharashtra needs are crop-specific productivity missions, stronger seed systems, rapid expansion of micro-irrigation in rainfed belts, district-level benchmarking against top states, and data-driven extension that focuses on practices, not paperwork.


The state’s agricultural dilemma is not that it grows the wrong crops. It is that it grows too little from each hectare.


(The writer is a member of Maharashtra Agriculture Price Commission. Views personal.)


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