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By:

Minal Sancheti

2 May 2026 at 12:26:53 pm

BEST strike paralyses Mumbai

Mumbai: For Sai More, an LIC agent, the Friday commute from his home in Century Bazar, Worli to work place in Churchgate, proved as an expensive affair. On a normal day, he spends Rs 12 on a BEST bus fare till Dadar station and then takes the local train to Churchgate. However, he had to shell out more money than his usual spending on the travel. Thanks to the strike by BEST Samyukt Kamgar Kruti Samiti, a joint action committee comprising 12 unions, pressing for its demands of better wages...

BEST strike paralyses Mumbai

Mumbai: For Sai More, an LIC agent, the Friday commute from his home in Century Bazar, Worli to work place in Churchgate, proved as an expensive affair. On a normal day, he spends Rs 12 on a BEST bus fare till Dadar station and then takes the local train to Churchgate. However, he had to shell out more money than his usual spending on the travel. Thanks to the strike by BEST Samyukt Kamgar Kruti Samiti, a joint action committee comprising 12 unions, pressing for its demands of better wages and working conditions. The strike paralysed the city’s second life line – the BEST bus. Only 32 of 2,766 buses were operated in the city in a rare collapse of the transport system. The strike forced the government to hold a meeting with the officials and workers later in the day to discuss their demands. More, the sole bread winner in this family, earns Rs 25,000 a month. When he learned about the BEST strike the first went to Aqua Line metro. He boarded the crowded metro from Worli and got down at Dadar. Then he took a local train to Churchgate and hired a share taxi to his office at Nariman Point. “I travel from Dadar to Nariman Point every day using bus and train. But today we faced difficulty because there were no buses. My colleagues and I went together to our office by cab.” The Samiti has been pressing for three demands. Rangnath Satavase, a representative of the Samiti, said, “We don’t want an independent budget for the BEST. You should include it with the BMC’s budget. The employees are facing issues due to salary arrears since 2016. We demand proper wages from 2016 to 2026 and apply seventh Pay Commission recommendations to the BEST workers. The wet lease workers should be included in the BEST as its workers and they should get minimum wages.” The BEST bus operators face many issues because there are fewer BEST buses that are working every day. This makes their work difficult. They complain that their salary has not increased since a long time. Vaishali Chavan, a bus conductor, said, “My salary is Rs 18,000 and I don’t get holidays. Now since they have reduced the number of buses, it is difficult to manage the huge number of passenger crowds. This makes our job tough. So, we demand higher wages and better work conditions.” The operators also claim that they don’t get any holidays except one weekly off. They have to work even during festivals, and if they don’t, their salary gets deducted. Imran Sheikh, a bus driver, said, “We don’t get equal wages. The salary ranges from Rs 20,000 to Rs 25,000 per month without any holidays. We just get one weekly holiday, but other than that we have to work even on the Labourer’s Day, Gandhi Jayanti, Diwali and Ramzan. If we take leave because of some emergency work, they cut our salaries.” He has been working for two years. “Some of my colleagues have been working for more than five years. Even their salaries have been the same. They promise they will increase, but they never do, and there is no bonus given.” Trushna Vishwasrao, chairperson of the BEST Committee, criticised the workers and said they should not have gone on strike when the BEST is already going through a loss. She said, “We agree with their demands, and we will fulfill it, so there is no need for a strike. It takes time to implement all the demands. We have got a gratuity of Rs five crores that we will be using to compensate the salary, and more funds will be coming, which we will use to fulfill their demands.” She said BEST is running at a deficit in any way. Their strike has also troubled the common public who depend on the BEST buses to travel. Commuters Stranded The strike left commuters stranded during the morning rush hour, with long queues seen at bus stops across the city. They later scrambled for already packed local trains, Metro services, autos, and cabs to reach their workplace. A spokesperson of the civic undertaking said only 48 buses were on Mumbai's roads during the day while some others were forced to return to depots after incidents of stone-pelting and obstruction by striking employees. BEST is Mumbai's second-largest public transport provider after the suburban railway network and carries around 25 lakh passengers daily through its bus services. It also supplies electricity to more than 10 lakh consumers in south and central Mumbai. However, union leaders claimed the strike was 100 per cent successful on the first day. Both transport and power divisions of the BEST took part in the strike. However, power supply to BEST customers in the island city remained unaffected by the agitation. Many passengers were forced to rely on alternative modes of transport, such as suburban trains, Metro services, autorickshaws, taxis, and app-based cabs, while others reported delays in reaching their workplaces and educational institutions. "During weekdays, I travel to work by public transport, but today I took my bike out as there were no buses on the roads," said Sachin Nalawade, who works as a consultant. The strike commenced despite an ad-interim order passed by an industrial court restraining employees from resorting to a strike and the Maharashtra government's invocation of the Maharashtra Essential Services Maintenance Act (MESMA), which prohibits the disruption of essential services. “Shared autorickshaws usually charge Rs 30 from Bharat Nagar to Bandra or Kurla, but today drivers were charging as they pleased. Some were demanding Rs 40 to Rs 50,” an employee of the Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI) said. "The issue is not merely that of workers. It is the outcome of the BJP-led Mahayuti government's negligence and wrong policies. It was known to the administration that employees were planning to go on strike. Was the government asleep until lakhs of Mumbaikars were held to ransom? Who will take responsibility for allowing the situation to deteriorate to the point where BEST services came to a halt?" Varsha Gaikwad, President, Mumbai Congress

The Quiet Shift in India’s Ballot

The 2026 Assembly poll results have shown that India’s voters are shifting from familiarity to aspiration by rewarding those leaders and parties who promise a credible path to the future.

Something significant has shifted in Indian politics, and we are still trying to explain it using the comfort of old ideas. For decades, we believed elections in India were won on the strength of grassroots connection. The party that knew the people best, that walked their streets, spoke their language, and understood their daily struggles would prevail. It was a persuasive theory because it rewarded political intimacy. It also made the voter seem predictable.


The recent churn in states as different as West Bengal and Tamil Nadu forces us to confront a harder truth: the Indian voter has not abandoned the grassroots. They have moved beyond it.


Structural Rupture

A result where the Bharatiya Janata Party secures an overwhelming majority in West Bengal, decisively defeating the All India Trinamool Congress and even unseating Mamata Banerjee, is a structural rupture. Bengal has historically rewarded leaders who were deeply embedded in its social fabric. Mamata Banerjee did not merely understand the grassroots; she embodied them. If such a leader can be reduced to a fraction of her dominance, the explanation cannot lie in a sudden loss of touch.


Something else has changed. And it is not the leader. It is the voter. The history of Bengal offers a clue. The long rule of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) was built on one of the deepest grassroots networks India has seen. Yet, after 34 years, that very depth became its weakness. What began as representation turned into control; what began as presence turned into predictability. The voter did not reject the grassroots. The voter rejected a system that stopped evolving.


Mamata Banerjee rose by breaking that system. But over time, she too became that system. This is the first uncomfortable truth of Indian politics: every anti-establishment eventually becomes the establishment. And once that happens, the rules change.


But there is a second shift, and it is more profound. Indian voters are no longer loyal to familiarity in the way they once were. They are loyal to momentum. They are constantly asking: who represents movement, scale, and the future? This is where the Bharatiya Janata Party has demonstrated an advantage. Its rise cannot be explained only through organisation or arithmetic. It lies in its ability to layer the local with the national, governance with aspiration, and delivery with a larger narrative of belonging.


At this point, the political argument often turns to TINA - There Is No Alternative. It is an easy explanation, and a lazy one. Indian voters have never hesitated to create alternatives when they feel the need. The coalition years of the late 1980s and 1990s were proof of that. What we are witnessing today is not the absence of alternatives, but the dominance of a narrative that others have failed to match.


Unpredictable Outcomes

The developments in Tamil Nadu reinforce this. The weakening of the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam under M. K. Stalin, a leader backed by legacy and organisational depth, suggests that even the most stable political ecosystems are no longer insulated. Tamil Nadu has, for decades, operated within a predictable binary. Tamil Nadu’s politics was never about multiple choices but was about a familiar choice repeated over time. When that binary begins to crack, it signals something deeper than anti-incumbency. It signals a voter willing to step outside inherited choices.


And yet, the clearest insight into this shift did not come from an election result. It came from an exhibition floor. A man walked up to me at a business expo. His company had a turnover of Rs. 6 crore. In his hand was a basic Nokia phone. He listened to what we were building like enterprise systems and integrated platforms, and then asked a simple question: “Can this run on my phone? And is it AI-enabled?”


There was no hesitation in that question nor any apology for scale. It was, in its own way, a declaration: I may be small, but I still want access to the future. That moment stayed with me because it felt eerily familiar.


This is exactly what the Indian voter is doing. They are not constrained by where they are. They are not voting only based on what they have experienced. They are voting based on what they believe they deserve. The gap between current reality and future expectation no longer creates hesitation. It creates demand.


The old model of politics assumed that voters prioritised familiarity and responsiveness. The emerging model suggests that voters prioritise alignment with aspiration. They are no longer asking, “Do you understand me?” They are asking, “Can you take me where I want to go?”


This is why grassroots understanding, while necessary, is no longer sufficient. It gives you access to the voter. It does not guarantee relevance. What determines relevance today is the ability to integrate three forces: delivery, credibility, and narrative. Delivery answers the question of performance. Credibility answers the question of trust. Narrative answers the question of direction.


Miss one, and you weaken. Miss two, and you struggle. Miss all three, and the voter does not punish you but they simply move on. Most parties can demonstrate delivery and many can build credibility. But very few can sustain a narrative that makes the voter feel part of something larger than their immediate reality. When that alignment happens, electoral outcomes stop being incremental. They become decisive, as in the seismic shifts we have witnessed.


The lesson here is both political and deeply human. The Indian voter is not cynical. Nor are they blindly loyal. They are, increasingly, aspirational in a way that refuses to be boxed by circumstance. That is what makes this moment humbling. Because it reminds us that the voter we thought we understood is already ahead of us.


And in today’s India, elections are no longer about who is closest to the ground. They are about who is closest to the future.


(The writer is a learning and development professional. Views personal.)

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