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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

The Vanity of Influence

Ashley Tellis’ arrest exposes how Chinese influence operations and think-tank funding networks have blurred the line between scholarship and statecraft.

For decades Ashley J. Tellis was the cleverest man in the room. A Mumbai-born academic who climbed to the summit of Washington’s strategic establishment, he helped craft the Bush administration’s civil-nuclear deal with India, taught realism to idealists, and wrote with the serene assurance of one who believed himself indispensable to the management of global order. His fall, therefore, has been spectacular.


When Tellis was recently arrested at his Virginia home, the news rippled through the capital’s think-tank circuit with the disbelief of a scandal too improbable to be true. A man who once helped midwife the landmark 2008 U.S.–India civil nuclear accord now stands accused of unlawfully retaining classified defence documents and meeting Chinese officials. Tellis, 64, has denied any wrongdoing. His lawyers insist that he will “vigorously contest” what they describe as “unfounded insinuations” of espionage.


The affidavit, however, paints a different picture. Federal investigators say Tellis printed sensitive U.S. Air Force documents at the State Department and was later seen meeting Chinese representatives at a Fairfax restaurant, leaving behind a manila envelope. When the FBI searched his home, they claim to have found over 1,000 pages of material marked ‘Top Secret.’ The Justice Department has charged him with unlawful retention of national defence information — a felony carrying up to ten years in prison.


Tellis was not an obscure bureaucrat but a fixture of America’s foreign-policy establishment. He was a senior fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, adviser to both the Pentagon and the State Department, and holder of the Tata Chair for Strategic Affairs, a position that symbolised the intellectual convergence between Washington and New Delhi.


His career told the story of India’s ascent in American strategic thinking. Born in Mumbai and educated in Chicago, Tellis made his mark as one of the architects of the Bush administration’s outreach to India.


His perch at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, where he held the Tata Chair for Strategic Affairs, offered proximity to power without the tiresome accountability of office. When intellectuals believe they are custodians of the national interest, the line between analysis and policy can dissolve alarmingly fast.


In recent years, Tellis’s worldview had grown increasingly detached from the India he once helped bring into America’s orbit. His essays bristled with scepticism about Prime Minister Narendra Modi, whom he saw as illiberal, unreliable and temperamentally unfit for alliance politics. Such criticisms echoed a fashionable disdain within Western policy circles that regarded India’s nationalism as an inconvenience to their interests.


The coincidence of his arrest with revelations about Chinese recruitment of academics and consultants is telling. Britain’s MI5 chief recently admitted frustration after a Chinese-linked espionage case collapsed, even as new investigations proliferate across Europe and America. China’s United Front Work Department, the century-old engine of Communist influence, has learned to operate not through bribery but by appealing to the vanity of Western experts who enjoy being courted by important foreigners.


The Carnegie Endowment, long revered as a temple of sober policy analysis, has accepted millions of dollars from George Soros’s Open Society Foundations, among others. Soros’s global philanthropy, avowedly liberal but nakedly political, aims to ‘correct’ governments that deviate from his preferred model of democracy. Tellis’s own disdain for India’s elected leadership fitted neatly within that milieu. The scholar who once spoke for strategic partnership had become a fixture in a world where moral superiority was the last permissible indulgence.


Carnegie, Tellis’s institutional home, has received more than $3 million in recent years from Soros’s Open Society Foundations.


Open societies depend on openness, yet that very openness provides entry points for financial, ideological or digital manipulation. Beijing no longer needs to steal secrets when it can shape the premises of debate.


Tellis’s defenders call him a casualty of overzealous prosecutors; his detractors see something darker - a symptom of a decadent policy elite that prizes reputation over responsibility. Either way, his predicament exposes the thin moral insulation of Washington’s intellectual class. The same man who once lectured India on the virtues of transparency now pleads for nuance in the handling of his own secrets.


The Tellis affair is ultimately about the corrosion of judgement in a system where access confers immunity, and where clever men mistake influence for virtue.


In the great game of nations, the most perilous vanity is believing one’s own intellect is a sufficient defence.

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