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By:

Uday Jogalekar

13 May 2026 at 3:25:14 pm

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing...

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing a Bengali pracharak — a full-time RSS worker devoted to organisational work — speak fluent Marathi came as a pleasant surprise to me. From that moment onwards, my interactions with Dilipda increased, and I gradually began to understand the many dimensions of his seemingly simple personality. Coming from Maharashtra, where Sangh work generally faced non-violent opposition, adapting to Bengal — where the opposition was often violent — was not easy. In that atmosphere, I learnt from Dilipda how to remain enthusiastic while also keeping fellow workers motivated and active. I often accompanied Dilipda during his visits to our area. He had a remarkable ability to blend effortlessly into any household, warmly enquire about every family member, and make everyone feel as though he were one of their own. Before being appointed to Kolkata, Dilipda had served as an RSS pracharak in the remote Andaman Islands from around 1999–2000 until 2007. Based in Port Blair, he worked under difficult conditions despite limited travel and communication facilities, diverse tribes speaking different languages, and a local mindset that often kept outsiders at a distance. He would often share positive experiences from his years in the Andamans but never once spoke about the hardships he endured. Despite working in such difficult conditions, he never mentioned his personal discomforts. This ability to remain free of complaints despite adversity is a hallmark of a pracharak, and Dilipda embodied it completely. He possessed the rare gift of finding positivity even in challenging situations. Excellent Cook In Bengal during 2007, Sangh work had not yet expanded to the scale it has reached today. At times, pracharaks had to cook their own meals, and this had made Dilipda an excellent cook. Whenever he returned to the city from his travels, our group would eagerly gather to enjoy his khichdi. Our area, Bidhannagar, was located in Salt Lake, a relatively prosperous locality. Adjacent to it were a few underprivileged settlements, and we would occasionally visit the nearby market. To reach the market from Salt Lake, one had to cross a wooden bridge, where the toll was 25 paise for pedestrians and one rupee for bicycles. Observing the difficulties faced by people in those settlements, Dilipda once suggested starting some sewa (service) activity there. That eventually led to the establishment of a homoeopathic clinic in the locality. While setting up the clinic, Dilipda effortlessly guided us through every stage of planning — what arrangements were needed, how the process should be structured, and what challenges might arise. It felt as though the entire plan was already mapped out in his mind. As the clinic became operational, we began noticing the educational difficulties faced by the local children. English, science, and mathematics were particularly challenging subjects for them, which eventually led to the start of a study centre. The idea of involving engineers from Salt Lake’s IT companies also came from Dilipda. Later, by bringing together IT professionals, an “IT Milan” initiative was started, and many of them eventually became swayamsevaks actively involved in Sangh work. Remarkable Ability At the time, the CPM government was in power in Bengal, and there were many obstacles to conducting shakha activities. Dilipda constantly guided us on overcoming these challenges. He had a remarkable ability to identify work that could bring meaningful change, plan it carefully, and execute it with determination and effectiveness. Whether it was service activities, daily shakha work, or handling sensitive cases related to “Love Jihad", Dilipda consistently displayed dedication, clarity of thought, a fighting spirit, and an unwavering readiness to work tirelessly toward the objective. What amazes me even today is that a pracharak like Dilipda — someone far ahead of us in age, experience, and accomplishments — would interact so casually and warmly with ordinary swayamsevaks like us, placing a hand on our shoulders and speaking as though he were a close friend. In 2009, I was transferred back to Mumbai, bringing my Kolkata chapter to an end. Later, in 2014, I learned that Dilipda had been given responsibility in the BJP. And now, in 2026, the BJP forming a government on its own strength speaks volumes about its contribution and leadership. Today, Dilipda has become a minister, and many titles and honours will naturally be associated with him. But to us, he will always remain simply "Dilipda". (The writer is an entrepreneur based in Kalwa, Thane.)

Toxic Peace: War’s Environmental Afterlife

A child fills a metal container from a deceptively clean water source. But the water carries heavy metals leached from shattered piping and chemical residues from a bombardment that occurred months ago. The war that caused this contamination may have already moved its frontlines elsewhere, or even signed a ceasefire. Yet its effects remain, entering bodies and shaping the genetic future of a generation.


We are conditioned to measure war in immediate, visible metrics: casualties, territorial shifts, and the dollar value of destroyed infrastructure. What we consistently fail to account for is the toxic environmental legacy that persists long after the peace is signed.


Invisible Battlefield

Modern warfare has evolved beyond traditional combat zones into what military strategists call ‘infrastructure warfare.’ Today’s conflicts systematically target civilian infrastructure. When a missile strikes a fertilizer plant or a dam collapses under bombardment, the immediate human cost is measurable. The environmental cascade that follows is not.


A single modern chemical plant contains more toxic materials than entire industrial districts held during World War II. When Ukraine’s Azot chemical plant in Severodonetsk was damaged in 2022, it released ammonia clouds that forced evacuations across a 10-kilometer radius. The immediate danger passed within days, but soil and groundwater contamination will persist for decades.


The Geneva Conventions, drafted in an era of conventional warfare, acknowledge the protection of civilian infrastructure but fall short of addressing the environmental consequences of its destruction. Article 35 of Additional Protocol I prohibits weapons that cause “widespread, long-term and severe damage to the environment,” yet enforcement mechanisms remain virtually non-existent. The legal framework treats environmental harm as collateral damage rather than a distinct violation of international humanitarian law.


Perhaps the most troubling aspect of wartime environmental damage is our systematic failure to measure it. Unlike economic reconstruction, which generates detailed damage assessments and recovery timelines, environmental degradation in conflict zones operates in what researchers call a ‘data black hole.’


The problem begins before the first shot is fired. Baseline environmental data shows soil composition, water quality parameters, air pollution levels but is rarely collected systematically in regions at risk of conflict. When war erupts, environmental monitoring infrastructure becomes an early casualty. Laboratories are destroyed, monitoring stations go offline, and the scientific personnel capable of conducting assessments flee or are killed.


This creates what environmental economists call the ‘invisible damage problem.’ A 2023 study by the UN Environment Programme found that fewer than 30 percent of post-conflict environmental assessments could establish reliable baselines for contamination levels. Thus, post-war environmental assessments become exercises in educated guesswork.


As a result, environmental restoration cannot be effectively planned or budgeted without understanding the scope of damage. Crucially, communities cannot make informed decisions about where to live, what to grow, or what water sources to trust.


International environmental law has long embraced the ‘polluter pays’ principle, which is the idea that those responsible for environmental damage should bear the costs of remediation. In wartime contexts, this principle collapses entirely.


Unlike industrial accidents, where liability can be traced to specific corporate entities, wartime environmental damage involves state actors operating under the fog of war. Even when responsibility is clear, enforcement mechanisms are weak. The International Criminal Court can prosecute war crimes, but environmental destruction rarely rises to the level of crimes against humanity, regardless of its long-term impact on civilian populations.


This legal vacuum creates perverse incentives. Military strategists can target industrial infrastructure knowing that the environmental consequences will be borne by the affected population and international aid organizations, not by the attacking forces. The cost of a missile is measured in thousands of dollars; the cost of cleaning up the environmental damage it causes can reach millions, paid by entirely different actors.


The targeting of Ukraine’s Kakhovka Dam in June 2023 illustrates this dynamic. The immediate military objective was disrupting enemy positions which was achieved within hours. But the ecological impact is flooding 600 square kilometers of agricultural land with contaminated water, disrupting fish migration patterns across the Black Sea basin, and altering regional water cycles which will persist for generations. The cleanup costs, estimated at over two billion dollars, will be borne by Ukraine and international donors, not by those who ordered the attack.


Recent conflicts reveal how environmental warfare has become systematically integrated into military strategy across multiple theaters. In Gaza, the destruction of wastewater treatment plants has created public health crises that extend far beyond active combat zones. In Syria, attacks on oil refineries released toxic plumes that affected air quality across national borders, reaching Turkey and Lebanon.


Thus, environmental destruction has shifted from an unfortunate byproduct of conflict to a calculated strategy for imposing lasting costs on adversaries.


This pattern extends beyond active war zones. Yemen’s water infrastructure, systematically targeted since 2015, has created conditions for cholera outbreaks that have affected over one million people.


Environmental Accountability

Addressing war’s environmental afterlife requires institutional innovation at multiple levels.


First, international humanitarian law must evolve to treat environmental destruction as a distinct category of war crime, with enforcement mechanisms that match the severity and longevity of the harm caused.


Second, we need mandatory pre-conflict environmental monitoring in regions at risk of armed conflict.


Third, post-conflict reconstruction frameworks must integrate environmental restoration as a core component, not an afterthought. The billions spent on rebuilding roads and schools must include parallel investments in soil remediation, water system purification, and ecosystem restoration.


Finally, the international community must develop financing mechanisms that hold perpetrators accountable for long-term environmental costs. This could include environmental damage assessments integrated into war crimes proceedings, or mandatory contributions to environmental restoration funds as conditions for post-conflict diplomatic normalization.


The toxic legacy of today’s wars will shape tomorrow's public health, agricultural productivity, and economic development for decades to come. The international community can no longer afford to ignore this challenge. Environmental accountability in warfare is not merely about redressing past harm, but deterring future destruction. Building this accountability framework is a key governance challenge of our time.


(The author is an independent public policy researcher who writes on political economy, climate, and the ethics of everyday systems. Views personal.)

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