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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Trust on Trial

Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest bodes ill for Indian democracy New Delhi: Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest spotlights a deeper crisis. When constitutional officeholders question institutions like the Election Commission, it risks eroding public trust, blurring accountability, and weakening democratic legitimacy. The greatest strength of Indian democracy lies in its institutional credibility, the trust that assures citizens that the systems created by the Constitution are fair, transparent, and...

Trust on Trial

Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest bodes ill for Indian democracy New Delhi: Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest spotlights a deeper crisis. When constitutional officeholders question institutions like the Election Commission, it risks eroding public trust, blurring accountability, and weakening democratic legitimacy. The greatest strength of Indian democracy lies in its institutional credibility, the trust that assures citizens that the systems created by the Constitution are fair, transparent, and accountable. However, when those who occupy constitutional offices themselves begin to publicly express distrust in these very institutions, the issue transcends any single incident or individual and strikes at the legitimacy of the entire democratic framework. In this context, the events of the night between April 30 and May 1 in West Bengal demand serious reflection. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee sat for nearly four hours outside an EVM strong room set up at a school in south Kolkata, where voting machines from the Bhabanipur Assembly constituency had been stored. Despite heavy rain, her decision to be physically present at the site, and to raise concerns about a possible “loot” of EVMs and “manipulation” during counting, inevitably raises several troubling questions. Her statements that “we are ready to risk our lives” and “we can gather 10,000 people at a signal.” Her words go beyond routine political rhetoric. They can be interpreted as a direct challenge to the credibility of India’s electoral process and to an independent constitutional authority like the Election Commission of India. In contrast, West Bengal’s Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Kumar Agarwal clarified that all eight strong rooms (seven containing EVMs and one for postal ballots) were fully sealed, under continuous CCTV surveillance, and accessible for monitoring by political representatives beyond a three-tier security perimeter. He further noted that the postal ballot room had been opened in accordance with established rules, with all candidates duly informed. At its core, this is not merely a factual disagreement but a deeper constitutional dilemma. When a sitting Chief Minister questions the impartiality of the Election Commission, the implications extend far beyond a single election. Such assertions risk casting doubt over the entire electoral history of independent India. Are we then to believe that democratic exercises over the past 75 years have been a mere façade? That governments, state or national, have been formed through manipulation rather than mandate? Or is this a political strategy aimed at shaping public perception amid electoral uncertainty? It is true that Mamata Banerjee is a candidate in the ongoing Assembly elections. But it is equally true that she continues to hold a constitutional office. This dual role makes her actions subject to greater scrutiny. The episode raises important questions that can an individual occupying a constitutional office stage protests against the very system they are sworn to uphold? Does such a position not entail a higher degree of institutional responsibility, regardless of political contestation? This brings us to a broader issue, the definition and responsibilities of a “public servant.” In India, administrative officials, police personnel, and members of the armed forces are prohibited from participating in public protests, precisely because they are expected to maintain institutional neutrality. Yet, elected representatives, Prime Ministers, Chief Ministers, ministers, and legislators, are also paid from the public exchequer. Should they be exempt from similar standards of restraint? If not, do they possess the moral or legal authority to publicly challenge constitutional institutions while in office? History suggests that this is not an isolated occurrence. Mamata Banerjee herself staged a three-day sit-in in Kolkata in February 2019 against a CBI action. Her protests against demonetisation in 2017 and against voter list revisions in 2024 and 2025 reflect a continuing pattern. Similarly, Arvind Kejriwal held protests in 2014 outside Rail Bhavan and in 2018 at the Lieutenant Governor’s residence. Ashok Gehlot and Bhupesh Baghel also joined demonstrations in Delhi against central investigative agencies while serving as Chief Ministers. Taken together, these instances reveal a growing pattern, individuals occupying constitutional offices engaging in public protests against institutional processes. This trend blurs the fine line between democratic dissent and constitutional propriety. While dissent is a fundamental democratic right, it becomes problematic when it undermines the legitimacy of the very institutions that sustain democracy. Another critical concern is the apparent “double standard.” When pension benefits and other privileges for administrative officials are curtailed or withdrawn, why are similar principles not applied to elected representatives, Members of Parliament, legislators, and ministers? If all are public servants, why this disparity in rights and obligations? This is not merely an economic question but one of ethical consistency and constitutional equality. It is evident that the Indian constitutional framework requires a clearer and more comprehensive articulation of the definition, responsibilities, and limits of public servants. This is not just a matter of legal reform, but of strengthening democratic culture itself. Those who hold constitutional offices are not only expected to exercise power, but also to safeguard institutional dignity and public trust. Democracy does not function on elections alone, but it runs on trust. And when that trust begins to erode, the greatest responsibility lies with those who wield power to restore and protect it. No scope for wrongdoing West Bengal Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Manoj Agarwal on Friday asserted there is no scope for wrongdoing at the counting centres, stating that round-the-clock CCTV monitoring of strong rooms was in place. “One should have reason and evidence for making allegations,” he said, maintaining that the complaints made by TMC spokesperson and Beleghata constituency candidate Kunal Ghosh, are baseless.

Warriors of Night

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

We name our daughters Durga, Lakshmi and Saraswati; we worship the divine feminine power in the temples but oppress, repress and even attack the feminine power amidst us. That is the irony in the way India sees its women.

After the safety of the daylight fades, women are seen as easy prey by the predators of the night.

We mark the nine nights of Navratri, the festival of the goddess, by celebrating the dedication and valour of nine real-life women who brave the challenges of the night to pursue their dreams.


Part - 4


Never felt unsafe

The singer says there has been a generational change over the last two decades

Never felt unsafe

Work has no timings for Aisha Sayed. Sometimes, she begins her studio recording at 12 AM and finishes by 5 AM; at other times, concerts and live shows start at 9 AM and she’s done by midnight. In her field of work as a performer and singer, Sayed is used to not getting a night’s sleep and often returning home when most of the city is set to wake up. “I have been travelling at night but I have never, ever, felt unsafe in Mumbai,” says the singer-performer who began her career at the age of 13 years. Her father spotted her talent for music and took her to meet a sound engineer who was their neighbour in Bandra. The family helped her get opportunities and from there, her career began.

Being among the top contenders in Indian Idol, season 3, in 2007 catapulted her to fame and it opened up a world of new performance opportunities across the country. “I was just 20 years then and I was travelling the world, performing at the most lavish weddings, staying at the most luxurious hotels and performing at big corporate gigs,” she says. Safety, while on work, is has never been an issue for her for the organizers arrange a security detail for the performers. “They escort us until we reach the room. And since we travel with our team in a big group, there is always safety in numbers,” says Sayed, who sings in 10 languages. Her peers have faced instances of audience members being rowdy. “Once in Delhi, a group of drunk men followed my colleague to her room and kept banging on her door late into the night. But I have been fortunate,” she says.

Work assignments have taken to varied places, from the most luxurious international destinations to far-off venues in the hinterland of India where she’s travelled through dark, dense forested areas. “I have driven through areas where the only light is that of your car’s headlights. Turn around and you see pitch darkness,” says Sayed. She’s always got a little prayer on her lips when travelling through these remote areas for miles together. She recalls a show in Chattisgarh where she had to travel for nine hours at a stretch through remote and forested areas. “No place in our country is as safe as Mumbai,” she stresses. She would know, considering her extensive travels. She advises women to travel in groups while in places that are unfamiliar or unknown and never to venture out at night alone. “Keep your family informed of your whereabouts,” she says.

While her agreements state that proper security at all times, Sayed says that she drives her own car if she’s out at night for parties or personal work but insists that the people of Mumbai are largely helpful and cooperative. A rickshaw driver who once drove to home in the wee hours of the night, after a recording, waited at her gate until the watchman let her in. Friends and colleagues have dropped her home several times.

Mumbai, she feels, has changed—and it’s for the better, in the past two decades. “Earlier, on buses and trains, men would use the crowd as an excuse to touch women inappropriately. That has gone down. There is a generational change that I see,” says Sayed. She used to take the BEST buses and trains to her training classes and for recordings in the early days of her career.

Her timings are inconsistent and her shows take her to various cities and towns. But the Mumbai-bred girl emphasizes that her city is very safe for women, despite the various incidents of violence. “Mumbai is the only place where a woman can wear what she wants, wear bright red lipstick, leave her hair open and look glamorous and still be safe.”

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