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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

When will our streets be safe for women?

Oct 2, 2024
3 min read

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

safe for women

“Don’t talk to strangers; don’t play in unknown places; don’t unnecessarily befriend boys; be home before nightfall”—these were the instructions that most girls growing up in the late eighties in Mumbai heard. Including me. While being a word of caution, it also, at some level, instilled a fear of the unknown, of secluded places and strange people. It wasn’t the best way to face the world. The late nineties and early 2000s were more relaxed and open. Younger cousins had more freedom to stay out till late, hemlines weren’t scrutinised and hanging out with friends of the opposite gender—and their friends—was normal. Cities like Mumbai and Pune were hailed as safe. As journalists, we worked late nights, sometimes to hail a taxi at 3 AM. We looked over our shoulder but didn’t fear. Yes, parents stayed up till the daughters got home but paranoia was low.

It’s all suddenly changed in the past decade and moreover, in the past five years. Rape cases, instances of molestation have suddenly spiked. Is it because of more cases getting reported or spoken about? It’s possible but there’s a palpable fear among women and their immediate families.

The Badlapur case showed us that little girls aren’t safe even in school, once considered the safest place beyond their parent’s watch. Only because the case sparked outrage did we hear of the plight of the girls who suffered the attack. But there must be several more that we don’t hear about. Cases of harassment and sexual assaults at orphanages, hostels, rescue shelters have been spoken about in hushed tones for years but never in the public consciousness. Now, these are all around us.

A session on the POCSO Act revealed that a 16-year-old was raped multiple times on her college campus in Pune by four boys she had befriended on Instagram. She kept mum for fear of being shamed through objectionable videos and photographs. The year has recorded several sexual assaults that have made it to the headlines—a Spanish tourist and a young performer were raped in Jharkhand, a 17-year-old was raped in Uttar Pradesh’s Hathras and rape and murder of a doctor in Kolkatta sent shivers down the spine of every conscious Indian. The recorded figures are probably lower than the actual numbers—data from the National Crime Records Bureau states that 90 rapes a day were reported in India in 2022. But even if it were to be the correct figure, the situation is alarming. This grim statistic reflects a disturbing trend, revealing how societal indifference can breed an environment where such atrocities become disturbingly routine.

It’s the fear and shame that’s kept women from speaking out against their heinous crimes that crush the woman’s emotional well-being apart from causing immense physical pain. Hindi movies gloried a woman’s ‘izzat’ and that of her ‘khandaan’ when an evil ‘villain’ attempted to rape the heroine. Rape was almost normalised in movies as every other film had a villain-heroine scene with attempted or intended physical assault. Victims were considered ‘impure’ and looked as the sinners by society. Today, the threats have moved from the streets to social media. Trolls try to shut up a determined and opinionated woman by threatening her with rape. In Bandra, usually a very safe neighbourhood, a rickshaw driver threatened to rape a woman driving her car.

Violence against women and the lesser privileged sections of society is rampant and appears to be normalised. A culture of impunity seems to aggravate the situation even further. The accused get away with their contacts in high places or through the use of money power. A sociologist I recently spoke to, informally, pointed out that increasing attacks on women are a backlash from insecure men who feel their hegemony is threatened by women occupying high places in India’s patriarchal social set-up. Sexual assault is their only way of ‘getting back’. Police apathy and a sluggish judicial system allow perpetrators to get away lightly.

Dating apps and social media are new areas to prey on women by befriending them but the streets of our cities, towns and villages are equally unsafe. So, does that mean women should stay home and not venture out? Some men would want just that. But the solution isn’t in women living and working in fear. The answer is in creating safer cities and villages through a more vigilant and sensitive police force, swift and strict punishment for the perpetrators and a government and political machinery that shields their own. For the future generations, change will begin at home—where boys are taught to respect women’s choices and independence. Women don’t need men to protect them. We only need to reclaim our cities and streets.

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