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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

Political row splits 110-day-old CJP

Mumbai: In an abrupt development, the 110-day old Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founded by Maharashtra’s Abhijeet Dipke has reportedly split with a Gujarat-based activist Manish Brahmbhatt announcing a rival ‘CJP-Democratic’ – amid political accusations hurled at each other. Announcing the new faction in New Delhi today, Brahmbhatt claimed that the original CJP which emerged from a movement built on the blood and sweat of people subsequently transformed itself solely into a handpicked team...

Political row splits 110-day-old CJP

Mumbai: In an abrupt development, the 110-day old Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) founded by Maharashtra’s Abhijeet Dipke has reportedly split with a Gujarat-based activist Manish Brahmbhatt announcing a rival ‘CJP-Democratic’ – amid political accusations hurled at each other. Announcing the new faction in New Delhi today, Brahmbhatt claimed that the original CJP which emerged from a movement built on the blood and sweat of people subsequently transformed itself solely into a handpicked team for Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) President and former Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal. “Their aim is to engage in political deals. They show no interest in fighting for the issues faced by students or people from other states; instead, acting merely at Kejriwal’s behest, they want to oppose the BJP only to support parties that are anti-BJP....,” declared Brahmbhatt. He asked why only a handful of people involved in the CJP are from the AAP though the movement had attracted people from all over the country and belonging to Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena (UBT), RJD and others. “Not a single volunteer or protester from those groups is included here. They utilised women, yet there is no female face – besides a spokesperson. They exploited Muslims and Sikhs, who opened langars and Gurudwaras, but they have no representation. Even students are kept out though it was a students' movement fighting against exam paper leaks,” said Brahmbhatt in a no-holds-barred attack on Dipke. Strongly refuting the charges, Dipke denied that CJP is controlled or funded by any political party, or functioning as a ’B Team’ for any other political entity. “Maharashtra CM says I am Congress' 'B' team; some others claim I am AAPs 'B' team... Actually we are the 'A' team of the students. We remain independent, work as a pressure group and committed to grassroots students issues and education reforms,” said Dipke today. Unfazed, Brahmbhatt accused Dipke of forming a “12-member team right from his home” without taking into confidence any of the original activists or persons linked with the CJP in the past nearly four months. “Nobody associated with the movement was consulted or invited… What criteria were used for these (12-strong) appointments? Eight persons linked to the AAP plus his female friends and college buddies, are inducted,” alleged Brahmbhatt, justifying the launch of CJP-D intended to mobilise the collective strength of the younger masses. He said activists had demanded five representatives from every state to prevent any single individual from taking unilateral decisions or behaving like a ‘dictatorial king’, but “the proposal was rejected” with Kejriwal – who suggested the idea for such a team - now allegedly hijacking the movement. Despite repeated attempts by The Perfect Voice, Dipke was not available for comments on the matter. Launched on May 16, by a Abhijeet Dipke, 30, the CJP sought to turn the ‘cockroach’ label for unemployed and politically conscious youth into a symbol of dissent and protest, bringing together students angry over examination-paper leaks and wider concerns about the education system and youth opportunities. The online movement quickly snowballed into a mass pressure group and semi-political youth movement, drawing support and attention from sections of mainstream political parties and celebrities. At that time, Dipke had described it as ‘a new platform for all Cockroaches” – hogging global attention - but barely 110-days later, it was hit with a purported vertical split.

The Cost of Staying Vulnerable

Nepal’s $5 billion reconstruction bill exposes a wider economic failure: when governments repeatedly restore vulnerable assets instead of investing in resilience, natural hazards become recurring fiscal shocks.

Nepal needs $4 billion to $5 billion to rebuild after floods triggered by a glacier collapse killed more than 600 people in Nepal and Tibet on August 26. That bill equals nearly a tenth of the country’s economy.


The bigger question is what this bill represents. $5 billion is the cost of replacing assets that already existed and were expected to generate value for years - roads that connected markets, bridges that carried trade, power stations that supported industry and homes that held household wealth.


Nepal will spend billions restoring what it already had, rather than investing that money in what comes next. The scale of the economic damage depends on where people live, what gets built there, how rivers are managed, whether warning systems reach households and whether people have enough savings to survive an interruption in income.


Assam offers the clearest lesson in this respect. Floods this year killed at least 99 people and displaced hundreds of thousands. Researchers from India, Sweden, the Netherlands, the UK and the US examined the rainfall data and found that it remained within historical norms. The floods intensified because of rapid urbanisation, deforestation, degraded wetlands and poor drainage, rather than because of a stronger monsoon.


Then again, two districts can receive the same rainfall and still end up with very different losses. One may have functioning drainage, early-warning systems and insurance, while the other has none of these protections. For the second, a flood becomes an economic shock rather than simply a weather event.


A farmer does not read a government estimate of aggregate losses. He or she loses a crop, still owes an agricultural loan and may go without income for weeks. A shopkeeper loses inventory, while a daily-wage worker loses earnings because there is no work. A family may have to sell a buffalo to buy food, and a child may miss school.


Misleading Picture

The GDP can also give a misleading picture of recovery. When a bridge collapses, rebuilding it creates construction activity as the government hires workers and purchases cement and steel, while public spending rises and GDP records that activity as growth. But the country, in fact, has spent money replacing an asset it already had.


Nepal shows the scale of this trap. Its 2015 earthquake required an estimated $9 billion in reconstruction, close to half the country’s GDP at the time, according to Nepal’s Post Disaster Recovery Framework. Eleven years later, the country faces another multi-billion-dollar rebuild. A country that repeatedly reconstructs the same assets never accumulates new ones.


The insurance gap shows who ultimately pays. Munich Re estimates that natural disasters caused close to $112 billion in economic losses worldwide in the first half of 2026, of which only $44 billion was insured, leaving a gap of 60 percent.


Those uninsured losses simply move from one balance sheet to another. A wealthy household may lose a home but still have insurance, savings and access to credit with which to rebuild. A low-income family that loses the same physical asset may also lose its main store of wealth. The same flood therefore produces very different outcomes depending on income, making disaster risk a distributional issue as much as an environmental one.


In India’s case, the problem is ‘disaster repetition.’ Assam already knows that it floods every monsoon, and that is the uncomfortable part policymakers continue to sidestep after every disaster season.


The state spends heavily every year repairing the same roads, while agricultural income disappears at scale after each flood and households repeatedly borrow to recover. Public money therefore goes towards restoring assets that remain exposed to the same risks instead of redesigning them.


A road that repeatedly washes away is a public-investment problem, not only a disaster-response problem. An embankment that repeatedly fails is a planning problem, while a household that falls into debt after every flood is a social-protection problem.


Case for Prevention

Prevention needs a stronger political case because adaptation still competes for a small share of development budgets. Nepal’s reconstruction bill, worth close to a tenth of its economy, makes that allocation harder to defend. Adaptation is infrastructure investment and fiscal planning but it is also poverty prevention.


A bridge that does not collapse creates no headline, while a flood avoided through better drainage earns no minister political credit. That imbalance pushes governments towards visible responses over invisible prevention, even when prevention costs less.


Not every disaster can be traced to climate change. The World Weather Attribution study on Assam rules it out directly for that event. The stronger, less comfortable conclusion is that physical hazards are colliding with development decisions: more people and more valuable assets are living in exposed areas, infrastructure is becoming more expensive and interconnected, poor households have limited savings and little insurance, and governments operate with finite fiscal space.


The real cost of a disaster lies in the present and future ravages to the economy - the crop never harvested, the wages never earned, the unpaid loans and the public project that gets rebuilt instead of the next one getting built. The real test of policy is not how quickly a government announces relief but whether the same community has to again bear the brunt of the next flood. A disaster becomes a policy failure when governments keep paying for the same vulnerability instead of changing it.


(The writer is an independent public policy researcher. Views personal.)

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